ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ Monlandtime

ပရုိင္ဂႜးက၀္တၝဲဏအ္ (၂၊၂၆၊၂၀၁၁)

2011-02-26T17:48:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ပရုိင္ဂႜးက၀္တၝဲဏအ္ (၂၊၂၆၊၂၀၁၁)

တႜအ၀ုဪကဒါဖီၾကဳဪဇာသြက္ဂြံေသႜက္ေကႜံရဲထ႓းဆႏၵဂမႜဳိင္၊သြက္ဂြံဗဂပ္ကုဪလြဟ္ကုညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ထံက္ဂလာန္ညးေတံဂွ္ေလ၀္ၾကဳဪဇာၾကဳီလ၀္ရ ဆက္ဗွ္
ကဒါဖီအခိင္ဒးသႜးေကႜံအ၀ုဪစုိပ္ေရာင္အေမရိကာန္ဟုီ ဆက္ဗွ္
အဓိကုိရ္အၾကာရဲထ႓းဆႏၵကုဪဒပ္ဂုီကႜဳီဗႜာဲသၞိင္ဍဳင္တူဏီယွာဂွ္မႝိဟ္ခ်ဳိတ္ ၃ တႜ ဆက္ဗွ္
ကႛဳိပ္သကုိပ္ေဗာ္ဒးစုဪဒစးဍဳင္ဗာရိန္ဟုီဂလာန္ကုမႝိဟ္ထံက္ဂလာန္ဂမႜဳိင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ေပဲါဗတုိက္သရုိဟ္ေဖ်ံအလုဪအသှအိန္ထံင္ Al-Khalafi ဆက္ဗွ္
ေပဲါထ႓းဆႏၵဍဳင္ေယ်၀္ေမန္စပ္ကုဪကိစၥပၚတိတ္သကုတ္သႜဳင္က်ာ၊
အလုဪအသှၾကဳက္ပေတင္ဟရတ္တုိန္ပေရင္ဂုီကႜဳီသြက္ဂြံစုဪဒႝာေပဲါထ႓းဆႏၵမေကာ္ခၜဂး ´ပၠဲမႜဳဪ´အာတ္မိက္ျပံင္လွာဲပေရင္စှေရင္ဂဗုတ္ေကုာံပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္
ၾကၜႏူပေရင္ပႜန္ဂတးပေရင္ျပံင္လွာဲဍဳင္အီေဂ်တ္တုဲေဗာ္ပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္တၞိတအ္မံက္တုိန္ ဆက္ဗွ္
ၾကၜႏူေပဲါထ႓းဆႏၵတၝဲသုိက္တုဲကႜဳင္ေတံဂွ္တုဲအလုဪသှဍဳင္အီရာန္ရပ္ေထာံမႝိဟ္ ၃၀၀ တႜ ဆက္ဗွ္

Mon National Day Worldwide update တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ၊ဆက္ဗေပင္ အခရန္၊ရးအုဪဟာဲအုဪ၊ဍဳင္အေမ၇ိကာန္၊ဍဳင္ျဇပ္ဗု(ဗဟုဪ)၊ဍဳင္ရာမည၊ဍဳင္နယူျဇှလာန္၊ ဍဳင္ေဖန္ေလန္ယူေရာပ္၊ဍဳင္ခါမ္ဗာရာ၊အ၀္သေၾတလီယ်ာ၊

2011-02-22T00:40:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

Mon National Day Worldwide update တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ၊ဆက္ဗေပင္

အခရန္၊ရးအုဪဟာဲအုဪ၊ဍဳင္အေမ၇ိကာန္၊ဍဳင္ျဇပ္ဗု(ဗဟုဪ)၊ဍဳင္ရာမည၊ဍဳင္နယူျဇှလာန္၊ ဍဳင္ေဖန္ေလန္ယူေရာပ္၊ဍဳင္ခါမ္ဗာရာ၊အ၀္သေၾတလီယ်ာ၊
ု

ဍ

AKRON, USA

ZOBBU, MONLAND (CENTRAL OF THE 64 MND)

NEWZELAND

FINLAND

FORT WAYNE, USA

AUSTRALIA

က

သကုိပ္ဗုိလ္နာဲထာ၀ရျပဟ္လလုဲအာနကုဪယဲပႛဲဌာန္ဗဟုဪေဗာ္ဍဳင္မန္တၞိအခိင္ ၂ နာဍှႏူဂယးျပဟ္စၞတ္တၝဲ ၂၊၂၂။၁၀၁၁

2011-02-21T23:26:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ပရုိင္ကရတ္
သကုိပ္ဗုိလ္နာဲထာ၀ရျပဟ္လလုဲအာနကုဪယဲပႛဲဌာန္ဗဟုဪေဗာ္ဍဳင္မန္တၞိအခိင္ ၂ နာဍှႏူဂယးျပဟ္စၞတ္တၝဲ ၂၊၂၂။၁၀၁၁

The 64th Mon National Day, Colorad,U.S.A တၝဲဂကူမည္ရးေဂါေလာရာေဒါ၊ဍဳင္အေမရိကာန္

2011-02-21T23:09:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္ရးေဂါေလာရာေဒါ

the 64th Mon National Day တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ကေနဒါ

2011-02-21T23:01:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ကေနဒါ

the 64th Mon National Day, Saint Paul, MN

2011-02-21T22:39:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၄)၀ါ၊ဍဳင္သိင္ပ၀္၊ရးမဏိသုဪဒါ

64th Mon National Day, Norway တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္န၀္ေ၀

2011-02-21T22:36:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္န၀္ေ၀

ဒံက္တာနာဲပညာမန္တုိန္စုိပ္တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္မဟာဇ်ာဲ

2011-02-21T01:24:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဒံက္တာနာဲပညာမန္တုိန္စုိပ္တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္မဟာဇ်ာဲ

Searching for Monland ဂႜာဲမံင္ဍဳင္မည္

2011-02-20T16:51:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

Searching for Monland ဂႜာဲမံင္ဍဳင္မည္

"By hook or by crook, we must get political power. The Burmanized Mon will then return to their roots.You must sacrifice your lit fighting for freedom. We are fighting for a just cause. We have to show it world the Mon are worth saving." Nai Shwe Kyin

´နကုဪနဲလုဪမြဲဒွ္ဒွ္၊ပုဦဒးကလိဂြံအ၀ုဪပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္ေဟင္ေဏါင္၊ဂကူမန္ဒးဒုင္ငၝိတ္ကမႜက္လ၀္တအ္ဂွ္ဒးကေလင္စုိပ္ရုိဟ္ကႝက္ေဍံပႜန္ေဏါင္၊မႝးဒးဒုင္သႜးသြက္

ဗႜး႓းမႝးေဏါင္၊ပုဦဗၱဳိက္မံင္ေပဲါပႝာန္ဓ၀္ဍာံေဏါင္၊ညးဂႜးက၀္တအ္ဒးရုီမန္ေထက္ေဏါင္ဂွ္ပုဦဒးထ႓းကုဪဂႜးက၀္တအ္ေဏါင္၊´ ဂလာန္နာဲယွဳဦေက်န္

Searching for Monland

From The Nation (Bangkok). 26 January, 1995

(Photos; 1.Female Troops on parade, 2.A female solider poses in front of the Mon flag with golden drake in flying, 3, Nai Shwe kyin, the leader of the Mon resistance, 4.Women in traditional Mon dress listen to speeches, 5. Young Mon soldiers stand at attention during the National Day ceremony, 6. A Mon family reunite in the ceremony, 7. A Mon man with jacket, Monland is very cold.)

James Fahn went to observe Mon National Day celebration, Burma's Tavoy district last week and got a lesson in History

Throughout the whole length of its history, the kingdom of Burma has suffered from one chronic draw back: the heterogeneous nature of its population. . . Several times Burmese leaders have unified the country by force, but they have always shown themselves incapable of going on from there to organize the country in an effective manner. Historian Gorges Coedes, The Making of Southeast Asia, 1962.
Unity through force never lasts. Slorc think it can control the country through force, but unless it solves the political problems, peace will not be permanent. If we are beaten, the next generation will carry on.
Mon resistance leader Nai Shwe Kyin, 1995.

"MONLAND is cold!" The Thai reporter's mock shivers evoked laughter, both because the cool, mountain air came as a welcome change to the heat and clamour of Bangkok, and because Monland itself is such a tenuous place.

Throughout history, the Mon have managed to rule themselves many times, only to be conquered and subjugated again by neighbouring armies.

In the long-running game of musical chairs that makes up Southeast Asian politics, the Mon nation-like the Champa, the East-Timorese, and the Karen, to name a few - was left without a state.

Today Monland is a figment of ambiguity. It does not exist on any official maps, but only in patches where the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and its military wing the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), hold sway.

The NMSP has its headquarters, for instance, deep in the jungle in Burma's Tavoy District, just over the border from Kanchanaburi province. It's isolated from the rest of Burma by mountains with forests so thick their life in Thailand can only be found in the national park. Nobody will say exactly where the HQ is - some say it's mobile.

There doesn't even seem to be agreement about what to call this area. It is alternatively referred to as Monland. Mon State the headquarters' area. Tavoy District or "Burma side" if you're in Thailand.

It's certainly not typical Mon country. The Mon people have traditionally preferred to live as farmers and fishermen along the coastal plain, and today remain concentrated along the Martaban coast in Burma, according to Nai Hong Sa, an NMSP official. In this they are different from the Karen, who mostly inhabit mountainous forests.

And yet many Mon do live in a small valley not far from the party's headquarters. Most are displaced villagers. They have fled both the inflict in Burma proper and continued harassment by Thai authorities who now look with impatience upon the arrival of more refugees from Burma.

It is a place without a name for a people without a home. And more are coming. About 200 new arrivals have come to the Pa Yaw refugee camp just over the border in Thailand, having fled the forced labour camps building the Ye-Tavoy railroad.

On Feb. 15th, however, a warm spirit mingled with the valley's cool mountain breezes. A patch of ground was cleared and labelled the "celebration area". for this was where party dignitaries, local villagers and Mon soldiers met to hold festivities to celebrate the 48th Mon National Day.

There was a small military ceremony marking the occasion. Mon troops brandishing weapons marched in front of party leaders, then patiently stood to attention while speeches were uttered. Banners were unfurled. Flags were raised. Drums were beaten.

But the celebration was hardly a military spectacle. It had more the air of a typical country temple fair, a bit smaller and poorer than the one taking place simultaneously in Sangkhlaburi to mark Makha Bucha Day, but no less festive.

The official ceremony itself lasted only an hour or two. There were no more than a few score troops, and the were joined in parade by students and various civilians affiliated with the party.

Most of the day was taken up by visiting rickety stalls selling snacks and spices whose scent seemed to waft all the way from India. Off-duty soldiers took shelter from the midday sun. Women sporting yellow powder drawn in elaborate designs on their faces milled around and showed off their toddlers.

Once the sun had set, the stage shows began, lasting throughout the night. Traditional songs and theatre tunes rang out over jerry-rigged amplifiers. Those seeking more modern entertainment huddled in front of a small TV to watch an impossibly corny Burmese drama.

But most all, Mon National Day was an occasion to meet family and friends who had been separated by circumstances. Men and women wearing traditional longyi, many of them visiting from the Thai side, posed for pictures and swapped stories.

Ot was a familiar face from Sangkhlaburi, many hard hours of driving away. He had come to visit his sister, who had decided to live here rather than move to Halockhani when the Loh Loe refugee camp was closed a year ago.

"We live our lives on both sides of the border," he explained with a smile. "Even though it is farther away from Sangkhlaburi, at least there is more land here. People can grow crops."

Similar festivities were probably going on throughout Burma because the Mon are allowed to celebrate their National Day there. "even in Rangoon". said Nai Hong Sa.

This raises the enticing question how do the Mon live in Burma proper? But with exception of Moulmein, foreigners are not allowed to visit Mon areas.

"Ben" (a pseudonym) is an NMSP official who has lived in Thailand for the last six years but recently travelled back into Burma to supervise Mon medics working there and check on the political situation.

"There is not much change from before, but the economic situation is generally worse in rural areas," he explained, adding that it is not safe for him to go to the cities. " People can't work regularly because of the fighting.

"Their main problem is being forced to work on the railroad. They know about the pipeline which will be built to transport gas from Monland/Burma to Thailand , and they understand that the railway construction is related.

There is certainly more prostitution than before, because it is hard to find work. And fishermen complain they can't fish as before. Most of them don't know it's because of the foreign trawlers which have been given concessions to fish along the coast.

" Many people are going abroad to look for work. A lot of men go to Singapore to work in the port."

But to rally visit Monland, you are best off travelling back in time. And Nai Shwe Kyin is an excellent guide to take you there.

Officially chairman of the NMSP's central committee, the 81 year-old Nai Shwe Kyin is the leader of Mon resistance. People call him Ajaan, and before he will talk to reporters about current events-dire as they may be-he insists on giving them a history lesson.

"The Mon are an old nation." he begins. "Legend has it that the Buddha himself predicted its rise. On a visit to the region, he came across a promontory at the mouth of the Sittang River. There he saw two golden drakes, the female resting on the back of the male. and he smiled.

His disciple Ananda asked why.' This area will silt up," the Buddha answered, pointing to the river mouth, There my doctrine will survive'.

"In the third century BC, during the reign of Emperor Ashoka in India, Mon seafarers brought Buddhism to the area, which at that time was called Suwannaphum. Nearly a thousand year later, in 825 AD, the delta at the mouth of the Sittang had silted up. There, in what is today called Pegu, two brothers Samala and Vimala formed the first Mon Kingdom called Hongsawatoi.

"The Mon national day marks this event and is celebrated on the first day of the waning moon in the 11th month of the Mon's lunar calendar. The Mon flag, meanwhile. contains a golden dark in flight."

Very interesting. But Ajaan, what about the pipeline? What about the reports that the Burmese army is sending in reinforcements, perhaps to attack you?

The resistance leader, however, will not be hurried. And soon we understand why. For Nai Shwe Kyin takes the long view of national struggle.

He recounts how time and again the Mon rose up, often gaining their own state for hundreds of years, but eventually being beaten by the Burmese.

The Mon were finally conquered in 1757, just 10 years before the Burmese went on to sack Ayutthaya. Following their defeat, many Mon fled to Siam where they settled in Pathum Thani. Three more times the Mon rose up, losing and fleeing to Siam each time; the first group went to Phrapadaeng where the Mon New Year is still celebrated at Songkran: the second group went to Samut Sakhon; and finally in 1814, just before the British came, Mon rebels fled to Putaram in Ratchburi.

"Former Thai Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun is a descendant of that group," Nai Shwe Kyin proudly noted. "The Mon who went to Thailand were the elite. They've done well."

But here is the moral of the story: " They Burmese army thrives on civil war. They don't want peace. But the lesson from Burmese history is, unity through force never lasts. Slorc thinks it can control the country through force, but unless it solves the political problems, peace will not be permanent."

Perhaps. But Nai Shwe Kyin must admit that things are now looking grim for apposition groups in Burma. With the fall of Manerplaw and the KNU in disarray, the Mon forces- with far fewer troops than the Karen, not to mention Slorc- seem extremely vulnerable.

Once again, however, the Mon leader insists on putting current events in context. This time he delves into his personal history.

"I was a government officer before the war, and then I joined the anti fascist forces. My brother was tortures to death by the Japanese.

In 1947 the year Mon leaders first established the Mon National Day there was an election. But is was rigged and the Mon politicians lost.

"Six of us then made seven demands to the government led by U Nu. We did not call for our own state. We asked for the establishment of ' Mon Affairs Council', our own army battalion under the control of the central government , and for parliamentary representation in accord with the size of our population.

"But the Burmese were intoxicated by independence and rejected our demands."

In 1948, he said, the Mon Freedom League occupied Moulmein and Thaton. Nai Shwe Kyin was arrested, but he rejoined the Mon resistance in 1952 after being released.

In 1958, the leaders of the Mon United Front got disheartened and legalized themselves, surrendering their weapons to the government. But the organization was later abolished anyway by Ne Win.

"I was left to rebuild from scratch. We started with farmers. But now we have graduates with a higher standard of knowledge. They will carry on the struggle.

"In my younger days, no one dared to speak Mon in Moulmein. But now there are signboards in Mon, even in Rangoon. Our struggle has not been wasted. The Mon have regained consciousness."

Confirming such claims is impossible, since travel within Mon areas in Burma is forbidden. Nai Hong Sa says there are 4 million Mon in Burma, but only 2 million of them speak the language well.

But just how much do the Mon leaders listen to their people? It's a timely question, given that the KNU's recent schism and military setback is being blamed on leaders who failed to pay attention to the grass roots.

Unlike Karen chief Bo Mya, Nai Shwe Kyin is clearly a politician by nature. He is frail with age, but obviously still lucid. An avid reader of newspapers, he clearly keeps up with current events.

Some analysts say he does not command the military respect of the former Mon leader No La, whose death in 1990 led to the capture of Three Pagodas Pass by Slorc. But perhaps, Nai Shwe Kyin's political skills can help keep the Mon more unified than the Karen.

The NMSP's decisions are made a central committee meeting, which are last for weeks, much to the annoyance of impatient observers. " We are a democracy." Nai Shwe Kyin claim. " We listen to reports from the townships and then decide by consensus."

He suggested the next such meeting would take place next month. They will have to decide whether to restart negotiations with Slorc.

Ben, the political scout, claims the Mon in Burma are of two opinion. "Some are tired of war and want us to put down our arms. But others remember what happened in 1959, when Burma still had a democratic government. They want us to negotiate with Slorc but not to surrender out weapons. Military regimes never keep their promises.'

"The best solution is the one suggested by the UN General Assembly. Slorc should sit down with the democratic opposition and the ethnic groups and talk." says Nai Shwe Kyin. " If Slorc does not offer concessions there will be no agreement. Otherwise, what's the use of fighting for 46 years?"

And if Slorc decides to continue its military offensive until even the current confined version of Monland is no more?

Nai Shwe Kyin offers a simple response: " If we are beaten, the next generation will carry on."

On a personal level, he adds, he has no regret. " I have never felt disheartened. Even now, with the fall of Manerplaw I don't feel disheartened. By hook or by crook, we must get political power. The Burmanized Mon will then return to their roots.

" You must sacrifice your lit fighting for freedom. We are fighting for a just cause. We have to show it world the Mon are worth saving."

တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ The 64th Mon National Day

2011-02-20T16:02:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ The 64th Mon National Day

တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ဂ်ပါန္ the 64th Mon National Day, Japan

2011-02-20T15:57:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ဂ်ပါန္ the 64th Mon National Day, Japan

update: The 64th Mon National Day Worldwide တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ

2011-02-20T13:54:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

The 64th Mon National Day Worldwide တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ

The 64th Mon National Day Worldwide တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ

2011-02-19T11:57:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

Mea La Refugee Camp, Thai Burma Border

Mea La Refugee Camp Thai Burma Border

Singapore Poster for Mon National Day

South Korea 64th Mon National Day

South Korea 64TH Mon National Day

South Korea 64th Mon National Day

Mon Community of Buffalo, NY, U.S.A 64th Mon National Day

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Netherlands

Netherlands 64 Mon National Day

တၝဲဂကူမည္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၄)၀ါကုဪညးစႝးေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္

2011-01-29T18:22:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

တၝဲဂကူမည္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၄)၀ါကုဪညးစႝးေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္

တၝဲဂကူမည္သႝာံဏအ္ဂွ္သြက္ဂြံေကာ္ဘိက္ညးစႝးေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ေဒသညးကုညးညံင္တုိန္စုိပ္မာန္ဂွ္ဒွ္ဗ်ဴဟာကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္မန္တအ္တုဲၾသ၀္ ေကႜာန္သပဗက္အုိတ္ညိ၊ဍဳင္ညးကုဪညးၾသ၀္ေကာ္ဘိက္ညးစႝးေကာန္ ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္အုိတ္ညိ၊ဂွ္ဆ၀္ပငၝဳဟ္ဏါရအၜ။

သဘင္ထပုဦပယ်င္

2010-04-02T09:23:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

Southeast Asian educators discuss language of instruction in schools ဍဳင္အာရွဒုိဟ္အဂႝဲတအ္တက္က်ာစပ္ပေရာေဗၱာန္ဘာသာဿဘာတန္ေဗၱာန္အလုဪအသှ

2009-03-27T22:05:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ဍဳင္အာရွဒုိဟ္အဂႝဲတအ္တက္က်ာစပ္ပေရာေဗၱာန္ဘာသာဿဘာတန္ေဗၱာန္အလုဪအသှ

BRIDGE to better learning

Southeast Asian educators discuss language of instruction in schools

By: ABIGAIL CUALES LANCETA

Published: 24/03/2009 at 12:00 AM

Newspaper section: Learningpost

The popular wooden bridge of the Mon community in Sangkhla Buri, Kanchanaburi province, stands as a symbol of the Mon peoples' aspiration to traverse the way to a better life and at the same time preserve their birthright.

Mon students enjoy their walk to school. PHOTOS COURTESY OF SEAMEO

Considered the longest wooden bridge in Thailand, the Mon Bridge, or Saphan Uttamanuson, is an enduring pathway that provides ease for Mon villagers to travel back and forth between the two ends of the Khao Laem lake as they go about their daily lives.

The same bridge serves about 1,200 Mon children who cross it every day to reach the Wat Wang Wiwekaram School, the only government institution of learning in the village.

Just like many other ethnic and linguistic minority people in Southeast Asia, the Mon often face barriers to quality basic education.

Oftentimes, Mon children have difficulty in schools because the language of instruction is different from what they speak at home.

In an attempt to facilitate teaching and learning among the Mon children, the school introduced the Mon-Thai Bilingual Programme, where the Mon language is used as the language of instruction when teaching younger children.

The approach allows teachers to use the native language of the children to introduce general learning and use it to bridge to the Thai language.

Only a year old, the learning innovation has made a big difference in the performances and attitudes of the children.

Their parents speak of the abundant benefits from the new manner of teaching introduced to their little ones.

Use of mother tongue

Persuaded by the nobility of the initiative, the Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organisation (Seameo) Secretariat, which is based in Bangkok, visited the site and captured visual documentation of the school and its community.

The story found its way through the Seameo meeting of senior education officials from the Southeast Asian countries that was held from Feb 24 to 26 in Bangkok. Presented in cooperation with Thailand's Ministry of Education and the Foundation for Applied Linguistics, the implementation strategy and immediate outcomes of the Mon-Thai Bilingual Programme inspired educators from other Southeast Asian countries to adopt and adapt its basic principles to their own academic programmes.

The Mon Bridge or ‘Saphan Uttamanuson’.

Confronted with unique and diverse linguistic situations, Southeast Asian countries speak of the same need to provide access to quality basic education for all, including minority groups and the linguistically disadvantaged.

Country representatives shared good and functioning examples of using the first language or the mother tongue of the learner to connect to the learning of a second or national language. The examples reveal that a strong foundation in the first language and a good bridge to the second language builds successful, lifelong learners in both languages. At the same time, this preserves the people's culture and the language itself.

Collaboration

The meeting identified exemplars and assessed their usability. Among the many good practices shared at the meeting was the use of both Thai and Pattani Malay in teaching and learning in the southern provinces of Thailand, including Songkhla, Pattani, Narathiwat and Satun provinces.

Other good examples included the use of lingua franca, or the commonly spoken language in a region, such as in the Philippines, or the bilingual literacy programme for the Khmou minority in Laos, or the use of the Sudanese language in Indonesian classrooms.

The countries expressed enthusiasm to work further with Seameo in pursuing collaborative projects to implement the good practices shared at the meeting.

Organised by the Seameo Secretariat and with support from the World Bank, the meeting aimed at providing the opportunity to explore how Southeast Asian countries, through appropriate language policies, can achieve Education for All (EFA) by widening access, reducing repetition of grade levels and dropout rates, and improving learning outcomes.

Those who attended the meeting include senior education officials and representatives from Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste and Vietnam.

Representatives from several international non-government organisations (NGOs) provided a wider dimension in the discussions at the meeting. The NGOs comprised Care Cambodia, International Cooperation Cambodia, Mahidol University, Save the Children, Unesco Bangkok, Unesco Hanoi, Unicef, the World Bank, Summer Institute of Linguistics (known as SIL) International, Seameo Regional Centre for Educational Innovation and Technology, Seameo Regional Language Centre, and Seameo Regional Centre for Archaeology and Fine Arts.

"This is the very essence of this gathering. We have to showcase good and functioning examples of using the native language of the child at the beginning of schooling to usher him [or her] slowly to learn in a new language. This approach will greatly improve learning," explained Seameo Secretariat director Dr Ahamad bin Sipon.

Just like the expressions of satisfaction from the meeting's participants regarding their newly found knowledge, the voices of the Mon children echo through the village, giving voice to the joy of learning in school. And besides their old but unfailing wooden bridge, the Mon people have found a new bridge that will lead them to wider horizons.

The use of their very own Mon language in school will surely connect the young children to a greater world of learning through the Thai language. It will not only improve the learning outcomes of the Mon children, but will also help to keep the Mon legacy alive.

Abigail Cuales Lanceta is a programme officer in charge of information at the Seameo Secretariat in Bangkok. She has been a teacher and an education programme specialist working on various education development projects in the Philippines' Department of Education. Contact her at abigail@seameo.org .

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္(62)၀ါ၊ဍဳင္Phoenix၊ရး Arizona

2009-02-09T23:07:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္(62)၀ါ၊ဍဳင္Phoenix၊ရး Arizona၊

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၂)၀ါ

2009-02-09T21:44:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၂)၀ါ

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္ဍဳင္လာန္ဒါန္(၆၂)၀ါ

2009-02-09T21:28:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဗုဪရုပ္ဒႝာဲဏအ္္ညိအၜ(ဗုီဓါတ္)

မူ၀ါဒတၞိအလုဪအသှေသံလတူဍဳင္ဗၞာအကာဲအရာႏြံသာ္လုဪ Understanding new Thai policy towards Burma

2009-01-04T23:03:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
မူ၀ါဒတၞိအလုဪအသှေသံလတူဍဳင္ဗၞာအကာဲအရာႏြံသာ္လုဪ
REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Understanding new Thai policy towards Burma
By Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation
Published on January 5, 2009
Published on January 5, 2009

AFTER EIGHT YEARS, it will not be easy to undo the Thai foreign policy towards Burma initiated by the Thaksin-led government and its nominees. A complete overhaul of the Burma policy is out of the question. However, some major shifts by the current government could be forthcoming that would firm up bilateral ties and strengthen Bangkok's voice on Burma within Asean. Additional principled guidelines, drawing from the Asean Charter, are imperative aimed at supporting the international community's effort to promote an open society there.
Gone quickly would be the preponderance of one-man decisions on key policies, especially those dealing with cross-border security, investment and trade cooperation.

In the past few years, Thailand has been rather compromising in its security considerations in exchange for economic benefits, which often went to individuals rather than the country as a whole. In particular, from 2001 to 2006, the Thai side allowed the Burmese side greater leeway along the 2004-km border such as issues related to Burmese migrant workers, illegal cross-border activities and harassment of minorities and Burmese exiles.

Picking up the pieces of Burmese policy where the Democrat-led government left off in early 2001, this time around the Thai foreign policy will be decided in a transparent way without any hanky panky as in the past. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said succinctly that from now on, Thailand will deal with Burma in a straightforward manner without any dubious deals or transactions based on "four-eye meetings", which was the trademark of Thaksin's personalised diplomacy.

Prior to the return of the Democrat-led government, Thai-Burmese relations were very superficially closed, representing no real national agenda. Thai leaders were myopic, deluded in thinking that defending the Burmese regime within Asean and the international community would help them win favours from the junta leaders and subsequently secure the country's future energy and natural resources need. Indeed, the energy dependence on Burma was exaggerated to justify Thailand's closer ties with Burma, including its passivity.

Throughout the year 1999-2000, before Thaksin came to power, the Burmese people's struggle for democracy and open society was at its peak with all the support of the international community. Asean was far more united as far as peer pressure on Burma was concerned. Thailand dutifully played the leading role on Burma throughout by bringing in the international community. Former foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan, currently the Asean secretary-general, pushed Asean to engage in enhanced dialogue with Burma as well as emerging transnational issues affecting the region.

However, soon after the arrival of the Thaksin-led government in early 2001, Thai policy towards Burma turned upside down. After a few weeks of border tension and tough talks on Burma's role on cross-border illegal drugs trade, former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra unexpectedly softened his Burmese policy, much to the chagrin of the international community. Since then, Thailand's credibility on Burma has disappeared.

During the Cambodian conflict, Thailand's role in Asean as a frontline state was well recognised as it was pursued based on the region's interest, not tempered with vested personal interests. Asean helped to internationalise the conflict playing out at the UN continuously for nearly a decade, which gave Asean an international voice, before the Paris peace agreement in 1989. In Burma's case, it was the opposite. Thailand failed miserably to assert itself in the Asean overall approaches albeit it was the most affected by the Burmese growing oppression. Bangkok's willingness to play second fiddle to Burma further divided Asean and stymied broader cooperation with international community.

Subsequent revelations by Surakiart Sathiratai, foreign minister in the Thaksin government, showed that investment and commercial deals with Burma at that time were not honest as they were coaxed with conflict of interest.

The scandal over the Export and Import Bank of Thailand's Bt4-billion loan to the junta was just one example. Like rubbing more salt into the wounds, former prime ministers Samak Sundravej and Somchai Wongsawat made ridiculous remarks defending Burma.

Samak was the most embarrassing as he praised the military junta leaders as peace-loving leaders and boasted about their closed friendship. Under the Surayud Chulanont government (2006-7), Thailand maintained a strict policy of no new contacts or improvement of existing ties.

Burma could have made a transition to democracy if the Thai governments in question had not indulged in personalising, nationalising and making the Burmese problem bilateral. The leader's personal and group interests linked to Burma weakened not only Thai credibility, it also belittled Bangkok's voice within Asean. That helps explain why in the absence of a Thai role, Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia have become more pro-active in shaping the grouping's views and positions on Burma.

Coming to power at this juncture poses serious challenges to both Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and Foreign Minister Kasit on Burmese policy. They have to revitalise and synergise the role of Thailand, Asean and the international community to move the situation in Burma forward.

At present, the Asean Charter, imperfect as it is, will serve as a useful tool to encourage reluctant Asean countries to get more involved on issues of human rights and democracy. The rumblings over the charter's ratification in Indonesia and Philippines were indicative of the strong desire for such endeavour.

As the Asean chair, Thai leaders will adopt a comprehensive strategy on Burma that put together various parts and needs from within region. Furthermore, this strategy must also work in tandem with the current international efforts, especially through the offices of the United Nations and related agencies and its special envoy.

After all, the Burmese quagmire is not the problem of any particular country or regional community.

It must be kept at the multilateral level so that all stakeholders can work together to end the current impasse and sufferings.

မူဂါဗီေသၢာံျပဟ္ ယူေအန္ေကုာံအာဖရိကတအ္ေထက္ကုဪဒးဘုိင္ပလွ္ေဖ်ံ

2008-12-17T23:22:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

မူဂါဗီေသၢာံျပဟ္ ယူေအန္ေကုာံအာဖရိကတအ္ေထက္ကုဪဒးဘုိင္ပလွ္ေဖ်ံ
EDITORIAL
Intervention needed to remove Mugabe now

Published on December 18, 2008

Joint UN-African Union action would be a mandate to save Zimbabwe from its evil leader

It is sad to witness what has been going on inside Zimbabwe and the state of hopelessness that the international community, including the United Nations and the African Union, finds itself in. Horrible regimes - like President Robert Mugabe's in Zimbabwe, especially - know full well that the international community is fickle and indecisive. Those outsiders looking in tend to be emotional and lack consistency of view.

The crisis in Zimbabwe has been going on for years, under the close scrutiny of foreign observers. Sad but true, nobody can really do anything to bring about positive change inside the disintegrating country. The ongoing cholera epidemic has already killed nearly a thousand people in the past month and it may become even more widespread. International health experts have warned that without proper and comprehensive measures to tackle the outbreak of the disease, more people will die.

Mugabe made a mockery out of Western countries' concerns over cholera in his country, saying that the West wanted the disease to spread so that it could justify military intervention. Which begs the question: What can the international community and world leaders do in the face of such an evil man? Wait, or just wait some more?

When the United Nations approved the doctrine of "Responsibility to Protect", or "R2P", it was hoped that this measure would allow the world body and its international agencies to help save humanity from genocide and abuse committed by heartless dictators. Unfortunately, there are many such rogue leaders in the world today who are willing to let their people die of disease and hunger as they cling on to power. Apart from Mugabe, General Than Shwe of Burma immediately comes to mind.

The Zimbabwean leader will not yield because he understands the psyche of the international community very thoroughly. It is a Darwinian world in which the survival of the fittest is paramount, and in this case, the worst and the ugliest as well. So, Mugabe will not budge and victory will be his as always.

Recently, the respected International Crisis Group recommended that both Mugabe and his rival Morgan Tsvangirai step down to end the current political impasse. If both were to do so, it would allow an interim administration to implement much-needed political and economic reforms. The ICG also suggested that certain Zimbabwean politicians and senior officials, including Mugabe, be given immunity from future prosecution. Furthermore, the think-tank proposed that Zimbabwe's parliament be allowed to draft a constitutional amendment and prepare for a new presidential election in 18 months. This proposal looks pragmatic enough as it follows a middle path, realising that the ongoing impasse will adversely affect the well-being of nearly all Zimbabweans.

The UN Security Council should agree to invoke the "R2P" principle to ensure the Mugabe regime does not get away scot-free. What he has done to his country and his citizens is tantamount to crimes against humanity. It is sad that nothing has been done to reverse or rectify this situation. Rogue regimes like Burma and North Korea are watching closely how the UN and the world's powers react. Without any tangible joint action taken on Zimbabwe, they will emulate Mugabe - not that they need any encouragement to do so. The African Union, which has become more vocal against Mugabe, has limited resources to intervene in the country. But a combined effort by the UN and the AU would provide a full mandate for whatever actions or measures these organisations deemed fit to take.

Without any concrete action, there will be more cases like Zimbabwe. Given the global financial crisis, Western countries have become more inward looking and are concentrating on their immediate problems. This represents a win-win game for Mugabe, who continues to cherish every moment of his reign amid world condemnation.

Asean human rights moves more talk than actionဂေကာံအေခါင္အရာမႝိဟ္အာျဇီယာန္အေရ၀္ဂႜဳိင္၊ကေမႜာန္ေအာန္္

2008-11-24T11:45:00.000-08:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ဂေကာံအေခါင္အရာမႝိဟ္အာျဇီယာန္အေရ၀္ဂႜဳိင္၊ကေမႜာန္ေအာန္္
REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Asean human rights moves more talk than action

By Kavi Chong kittavorn
Published on November 24, 2008
Published on November 24, 2008

AS THE ASEAN SUMMIT draws closer, it has become crystal clear that the state will continue to reign supreme in the overall scheme of things in this regional grouping. On the eve of the Asean Charter entering into force on December 15, loud noises have been heard non-stop on the inevitability of making Asean a people-oriented community, especially in the area of promotion and protection of human rights. In reality, however, it remains a distant dream. Following the charter's enforcement, the most important mechanism that Asean will establish by the end of next year is an Asean human rights body (AHRB) - that much the ministers have agreed to. After all, the proposed body still does not have an official name.
The members of the High Level Panel (HPL) still have to deliberate on the appropriate name. The first draft of the terms of reference (TOR) was completed at the recent meeting in Bali and will be ready within weeks for consideration of the foreign ministerial meeting ahead of the summit in Chiang Mai. The content and mandate of this body is still under negotiation and it is going to be tough.

During the 4th roundtable discussion on human rights in Asean last week, Sihasak Phuangketkeow, the HPL chairperson, said human rights promotion and protection would be an evolutionary process given the differences of Asean members' diversities, stages of developments and political awareness. All Asean members, he reiterated, understand the importance of setting up an Asean human rights body as the world is watching closely.

"We have to deal with the reality - the region's diversity. But we are part of the global community. There are certain norms and standards on human rights that we have to observe and respect and promote. The Asean human rights body must conform to international standards and norms. Otherwise, we will not credible," he said.

Sihasek, who is currently the Thai envoy to the UN Permanent Representative in Geneva, expressed the hope that Asean members would be willing to engage the human rights body that would create moral clouts beyond the current mandate.

As the HLP is touching up the first TOR draft, several issues remain contentious. Asean human rights experts and civil society groups want the human rights body to give equal treatment to promotion and protection and make the mechanism more participatory. They have cried foul over the attempt to use the non-interference principle in the field of human rights. They argued that any violation of human rights within Asean should not be tolerated and the non-interference principle should not be used as a pretext for this.

Their question is: How can Asean as an organisation promote its cooperation for the protection of human rights, when all member countries agree that the primary responsibility and jurisdiction in protecting human rights is with the governments.

According to a human rights scholar Dr Sriprapha Petcharamesree of Mahidol University, the proposed Asean human rights body is actually focused on promotion more than protection. The TOR has made 12 recommendations on human rights promotion and a few ideas for protection.

Apparently, the HLP members were more comfortable with the promotion activities such as raising awareness through various means such as education and capacity building and technical cooperation. Civil society groups want a mechanism that has a broad-ranging power to compile, investigate and write reports on the human rights situation in Asean member states. Given the current global financial crisis, they expected there would be more cases of violation of human rights that Asean needs to address.

Admitting that the Asean human rights body is not a panacea for all problems of rights violations, Sihasek expressed the hope that when the members reach the comfort level, human rights protection would be forthcoming.

"They would be more open to request for information, open to information sharing and engage in human rights with each other," he said.

Being the last region in the world to have a human rights mechanism, these civil society groups hope that Asean can draw valuable lessons from other regional organisations that have already established comprehensive human rights protection mechanisms such as in Europe, Africa, North and Latin America.

Within Asean, only Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines are more enthusiastic about a more liberal human rights body.

For instance, they want to have members of the human rights body coming directly from an electoral process. But the rest of Asean members preferred government nominated persons, who are official or otherwise but they have to be "impartial".

As the Asean chair, Thailand could have done a lot better to improve the TOR but for the present political impasse that has produced undignified and ineffective leaders.

Taken together, they have diminished the country's overall bargaining power on all Asean-related issues. Worse, due to the government's incompetence and lack of urgency, as it stands now, Thailand might not be able to co-sign the over two-dozen Asean documents planned at the summit. Both Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat and Foreign Minister Sompong Amornwiwat must take the blame.

The days before ceasefire between SLORC AND NMSP on 25 June 1995

2008-10-24T19:50:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
The days before ceasefire between SLORC AND NMSP on 25 June 1995
(Quoted from The Nation, Tuesday September 6, 1994)

Business interests that destroy brotherly relation between Thai and Mon
Thailand's demand for Burmese resources, and its sudden intolerance for
refugees, has soured its relationship with the Mon.

Mon officials are fond of saying that the Thai and Mon peoples are
phi-nongkan: brotherly. They reel off lists of famous Thais who purport to have Mon blood
in them, including both Anand Panyarachum and Suchinda Kraprayoon. They also
note that the same Burmese king who sacked Ayutthaya more than 200 years ago
also destroyed the Mon kingdom of Pegu.

More to the point, Mon separatists who have been fighting Burma's military
regimes have always been able to count on Thailand's tacit support to help
keep its supply lines open. So it is with great consternation that they see Thai
authorities slowly but surely turning their back on the Mon - and other ethnic
groups fighting the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) - in
favour of the Rangoon-based junta, which has for more abundant resources under its
control.

Thailand's National Security Council (NSC), considered the architects of
Thailand's Burma policy, has apparently decided that it is no longer necessary
to have a buffer between Thai and Burmese forces along the border. While Thais
in general do feel sympathy and kinship toward the Mon, they also seem fed up
with harbouring refugees crested by wars in neighbouring countries. Continuing
squabbles with Cambodia have added to this "compression fatigue".

Hence the recent crackdown by Thai authorities on illegal immigrants and
refugees from Burma who have found sanctuary in Thai border region for years,
in some cases decades. The controversy over Thai effort to repatriate 6,000
Mon refugees from a border checkpoint back to Halockhani is only the latest, and
most highly publicized, conflict emerging from this crackdown. The Mon were
just this year relocated from Loh Loe camp in Thailand to Halockhani in
Burma - only to flee back to Thailand in July 1994 following a raid on Halockhani by
Burmese soldiers based at Three Pagodas Pass.

Thailand, on the other hand, is chronically concerned about the security of
its energy supply, but the Burmese gas is especially tempting for economic
reasons. "Thailand doesn't need Burmese gas. There are enough low-cost energy
alternatives in the region," says Dr Charles Johnson, an energy analyst at the
East- West Center who stresses that he is neither arguing for or against the
pipeline project. "There's gas in Vietnam and Cambodia. Malaysia alone has
huge reserves - around 68 trillion cubic feet."

However, Malaysia also has more bargaining power than Burma. Negotiations to
import gas from Malaysia were proceeding slowly because Malaysia wants to
refine the resource at home and export only end-products to Thailand. It's far
more profitable for Thailand to import natural gas wholesale from Burma. Gas
is not the only resource coveted by Burma's neighbours. Thai investors have
used the concessions in Burma, and have contributed to the rapid depletion of
Burma's forest and marine resources.

Thai commanders of the Kanchanaburibased 9th Infantry Division have also
announced that thousands of Mon refugees at Pa Yaw camp in Thailand will be
repatriated once a budget has allocated, probably during the next dry season.
Publicly, both Mon and Thai officials find it convenient to divorce this issue
from politics. Thai officials say it is simply part of the policy to expel all
illegal immigrants, ignoring the fact that many refugees have fled to Thailand
because of human rights abuses in Burma.

Meanwhile, Nai Pe Theing Zea, the assistant in charge of foreign affairs for
the New Mon State Party (NMSP) the Mon separatist movement's political wing,
claims party leaders did not even discuss the refugee issues during their
recent intensive meeting. "We have to look after our people in border areas,
but we also have to respect Thai sovereignty," he says. "We want to try and
protect our people with armed force, but we can't protect Halockhani. It's too
close to Three Pagodas Pass," he admits. "So we would like the Thai government
to provide some protection to our people."

The Mon, he point out are eager to have good relations with the Thai
government. So he cannot state what many analysts clearly recognize: that
certain groups in Thailand are trying to force the Mon into signing a
ceasefire with the Slorc by pushing Mon refugees into a vulnerable position. But nor
does he deny that all the repatriation is having an impact. "After the Thais
decided to move the refugees to Halockhnai, we realized they would be
vulnerable to attack from the Slorc," Pe Theing Zea explains. " So we tried to
talk to the Slorc. But that does not mean we have to do whatever they say."
Negotiations for a ceasefire in the decades-old war have now stalled, with the
Mon claiming they were offered little territory and no political concessions.

So now the Mon are taking aim where Burma is most vulnerable: at a gas
pipeline which will be built through and area of southern Burma largely inhabited by
Mons and Karen. Unfortunately, the pipeline will transport gas from the Yedana
field in the Gulf of Martaban to Thailand with foreign exchange flowing in the
opposite direction. Once again the Mon separatists will come into conflict
with Thailand. Nevertheless, maintains Pe Theing Zea, "We must stand by our
principles "Foreign companies will encourage SLORC to stay in power and buy
more arms and equipment to kill and oppress the people. We can not allow that"
he asserts.

The NMSP's official position is that the gas belongs to the Mon people.
Rather than benefiting from the gas however ,Pe Thening Zea is afraid the pipeline
will be built in much the same way as the Ye-Tavy Railway ; with forced
labour. "This violates our human rights, so we will oppose the pipeline by any means,"
he says. "Using violence to destroy the pipeline would be our last option, but
in the end we would have no choice."

Nor is gas the only resource coveted by Burma's neighbours. Thai investors
have used the conflict between SLORC and opposition groups to buy up timber
concessions in Burma, and have contributed to the rapid depletion of Burma's
marine resources. "Many Mon fishermen have lost their jobs because they can
not compete with Thai trawlers that have fishing concessions along the coast,
along with those from Japan, Malaysia and Singapore," says the Mon official.

By opposing the pipeline, the Mon are playing a dangerous game, Squeezed
between Burmese soldiers and Thai business interests, however, they seem to
have little choice. But Thailand, too, is playing a dangerous game. Thai
officials apparently did not expect such a huge outcry to result from the
forced repatriation of the Mon refugees-- for that essentially is what they
are doing by depriving the refugees of rice until they return to Halockhani. In
fact, Border Police officials claim they were at one point given an order to
tear down the refugees' huts at New Halockhani, but managed to reject it -- a
wise decision considering the attention the issue has received.

Thai officials maintain that Col Tin Kyaw, commander of the Burmese 61st
Light Infantry Battalion currently based at Three Pagoda Pass, has promised not to
attack Halockhani if the refugees return. But he made no such guarantees to
three journalists who attempted an impromptu interview of him recently. "We
get our orders from Rangoon," he told the reporters. "If the Mon have guns, we
will have to arrest them. That's war. "Finally, fed up with the nosy questions, he
explained that, "Whatever the Thai soldiers say, that's the truth," and had
the journalists ushered out.

Even if this battalion does not bother Halockhani residents, another battalion
might. And if forced labour is used to build the pipeline, there may be a new
influx of refugees. Even more worrisome is the possible outbreak of heavy
fighting between Mon guerillas and the SLORC. With the breakdown in ceasefire
negotiations between the two groups, and the signing of the gas deal between
Thailand and Burma due this Friday in Rangoon, such a battle is becoming
increasingly likely.

Mons and SLORC: A major battle may be looming over pipeline

"If the SLORC and Thais agree on the natural gas deal and they start to build
the pipeline, then the Slorc may launch a big offensive against us," says a
worried Nai Pe Theing Zea. The Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) has
officially been at war with Burma's military rulers for decades, but over the
last eight months NMSP and SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council)
officials have been attempting to negotiate a cease fire agreement. Those
talks have now stalled.

Fresh from a meeting of the central committee of the New Mon State Party
(NMSP) - the political wing of the Mon separatist movement - Pe Theing Zea
announced that the NMSP had decided to suspend talks with the Slorc because
the Junta's territorial concessions were too paltry, and its political concessions
nonexistent. The Central Committee meeting is still going on, add the NMSP's
assistant in charge of foreign affairs, but the decision to halt the ceasefire
negotiations was definite. Pe Theing Zea declared that, "We have decided
not to meet the SLORC again until they agree to discuss 14 point which we have raised
and which refer to a political settlement." One of these 14 points is
that: The Slorc should release Aung San Suu Kyi, the detained Noble Peace Prize
winner and leader of the party which won an overwhelming victory in Burma's
1990 elections. Another is that the Slorc should sign a nationwide ceasefire with the guerilla
groups.

This suggest that the Mon would only agree to re-start negotiation in
cooperation with the guerilla groups who have yet to sign a ceasefire. So far,
the military junta has negotiated individual ceasefire agreements with certain
groups - including the Kachin and the Wa - in exchange for allowing them to
administer their own territory. But the Mon apparently are not ready to team
up with other groups in joint negotiations, even thought it would bring them
more bargaining leverage. While the Mon may be upset at being denied any
political concessions by the SLORC - they would only be allowed to attend the
national constitutional convention if they agreed to lay down their
weapons, Pe Theing Zea said, and then only as observers - they say they are prepared to
re-start talks if SLORC offers more territory.

"We don't want to sign a ceasefire agreement without a full political
settlement, but we were willing to sign a general agreement on where troops
could go," Pe Theing Zea explained. "But each time we met, the SLORC kept
offering us a smaller and smaller area. "If they offered us a larger area, it
is possible we would accept it. But this would only be a first step; then we
would have to go into political issues," he added. Despite such distinctions,
it remains unclear how such a "general agreement" would differ from a de facto
ceasefire.

The Mon are without doubt unhappy with the territorial concessions offered by
the SLORC after three meetings earlier this year. The first meeting was
held in Moulmein from Dec 31, 1994. The Mon proposed taking control of five big areas:
Moulmein, Hta Ton, Mergui, Tavoy and the Central HQ district. The SLORC then
reportedly reduced the size of these areas but said it could agree to them. At
the second meeting in March, Lt Col Kao Rot claims SLORC no longer accepted
the previously proposed five areas, instead offering only three. The Mon then
proposed a list of 54 pinpoint zones which they would control. But the SLORC
said they could have only 12.

At the third meeting in June the Mon proposed taking control of 3-4 pinpoint
areas in each of four districts: Moulmein, Mergui, Hta Ton and Tavoy. But the
SLORC stood firmly by its previous offer of 12 pinpoints. In the end, they
were only offered 12 small zones -- each with a five-kilometer radius -- in
which their troops would be allowed to roam freely. Nine of these zones were
in their Central Headquarters District, located in the jungle across the
border from the Pa Yaw refugee camp in Kanchanaburi.

Pe Theing Zea says that at their last meeting with the SLORC, the Mon were
essentially told, "take it or leave it ". They have decided to leave it. The
MNLA is not the biggest armed opposition group, but its forces are
strategically placed. They apparently roam in patch of territory stretching
from Htaton in the north down to Mergui in south.

Lt Col Kao Rot, an MNLA officer who took part in the negotiations, notes that
a ceasefire with the Mon may have led to a good deal of foreign investment in
southern Burma, particularly from the Thai. "If there had been a
ceasefire, we know that the SLORC planned to build up the highway running from Three Pagoda
Pass to Thanbyuzayat and on to Kyaikkami (Amherst), which is a local center
for tourism. They planned to offer hotel concessions and so on to the Thais," he
said.

Even more important to both Thailand and the SLORC is the construction of a
700 kilometer long pipeline long pipeline that would transport natural gas
from Burma's Yadana field -- under concession to a consortium of Western oil
companies including Frances Total and Unocal of the US. From the Gulf of
Martaban, the pipeline is projected to come ashore to the south of the Heinze
Basin, head east to enter Thailand at Ban I-Tong, and end up at a power plant
in Ratchburi.

Pe Theing Zea notes that SLORC, desperate for legitimacy and hard currency,
has sold the gas cheap. The Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT) has agreed
to buy it for around US$2.50 per BTU, well below the price of domestically
produced gas if transportation costs are included. For the Thais, it
represents just another source of energy, albeit a convenient and profitable
one. But for the SLORC, it would bring much-needed legitimacy and hard
currency. And Burmese opposition groups fear it could become the final nail in
the coffin for their hopes of winning democracy for Burma or autonomy from it.

The operational date for the pipeline has been set for mid-1998. That doesn't
leave much time to finance and build it. Both these aspects will be heavily
influenced by the security situation along the pipeline route, and area which
is heavily populated by both Mons and Karens. The Mon were certainly aware of
this, and Pe Thein Zea spoke out vociferously against the project, vowing to
oppose it "by all possible means". This explains his concern upon learning
that Thailand and Burma had finally agreed on a price for the gas.

The agreement will result in a signing ceremony this Friday in Rangoon, and
possibly to a major battle between the MNLA and the SLORC in southern Burma
once the rainy season has ended. Unless, that is, the two parties can agree to
some form of armed co-existence. As it stands, Lt Col Kao Rot claims Mon
troops are active north of the Heinze Basin, where the SLORC also has six battalions
in place. The area south of the Basin is controlled by the SLORC, he said.

There are reportedly three battalions of the Burmese troops in Kaleinaung - a
key town as it intersects both the pipeline route, the main Ye-Tavoy road and
the Ye-Tavoy railway, which analysts claim is being built to provide greater
security for the pipeline. SLORC officials have also vowed to clear a path for
the pipeline 60 meters wide and line it with soldiers. Further east, Mon
troops are active north of the Zinba River -- along which the pipeline is
expected to run - while Karen National Liberation Forces (KNLF) are active to
the south, according to Kao Rot. SLORC troops control the town of Nai
Et-Taung, on the Thai-Burma border across from Ban I-Tong.

The Karen National Union has so far declined to negotiate with the SLORC,
although it says it is open to dialogue. So even if the Mon do sign a
ceasefire, the pipeline may still be vulnerable. Kao Rot says there is also a
whole host of smaller guerilla groups reportedly active in the area, including
the All-Burma Students Democratic Front, the People 's Defence Force (ethnic
Burmese) and the Democratic Patriotic Army (former members of the Burmese
Communist Party who mostly come from Tavoy and Mergui).

Thai officials may look upon this situation with alarm. Some have argued
that they are not taking sides in Burma's political strife, but merely striking a
business deal. But of course simply choosing which group one strikes a deal
with is a political decision. This will hit home if a war does break out over
the pipeline and refugees once again start flooding into Thailand, where they
have recently received a cold welcome, or rather no welcome at all. Others
have argued all along that helping Burma to develop economically even if it
means helping the SLORC will eventually bring it greater political freedom.
This is the Asian way, they add.

But have they really considered what the costs of such a policy may be in
terms of human lives?
Have they actually done all they can to help negotiate a fair and equitable
peace agreement between Burma's warring factions?

Tyranny of the Minority vs Tyranny of the Majority

2008-10-10T21:20:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

Tyranny of the Minority vs Tyranny of the Majority

The Tyranny of the Minority vs the Tyranny of the Majority

By Thanong Khanthong

When the anti-government protesters took over the Government House on August 26, 2008, they claimed that it was a triumph of people's politics in the name of civil disobedience. The protesters, known under the name of the People's Alliance for Democracy, are still guarding the Government House. Following clashes with the authorities on Tuesday morning, with two dead and more than 400 injuries, any hopes of a reconciliation are dashed.

The PAD protesters have already staging protests against the People Power-led government for more than three months. What they demand essentially is the removal of the remnants of ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's political power from Thai politics once and for all. They also want Thailand to embrace New Politics, whatever that means.

A riot police throws a Chinese-made tear gas grenade into the anti-government protesters on Black October the Seventh, 2008

Thaksin has already jumped bail and is now seeking a political asylum in the UK. Samak Sundaravej has also lost his premiership from a Constitution Court ruling. But Thaksin's people are still having political power. His regime remains intact. Somchai Wongsawat, the new prime minister, Thaksin's his brother in law. It is now clear that Somchai is serving as another nominee.

Outsiders might be asking what is going on in this beloved country whose its people are so charming and generous. Witnessing the political turmoil from the TV and newspapers, one American banker has also asked why Thailand has no respect for the rule of law at all. He looks upon the protesters as the Tyranny of the Minority -- those who want political change without paying any respect to the rule of law or the democratic process or waiting until the next election comes.

Other outsiders and foreign media are asking similar questions: How can the street protesters occupy the Government House, which is the equivalent of the White House, and nobody can do anything against them? How can the street demonstrations unseat a democratically elected government? Would there be any violence after the clashes on Tuesday? How long would this Somchai government last? And most importantly, would the political conflicts lead to another military coup?

Thaksin's protesters vs Thaksin's supporters

About 12 million people dislike Thaksin, while 14 million Thais support him. Thailand is neatly split. It is similar to the North/South conflict during the US Civil War in the 19th century.

The 12 million people voting against him are mostly the people from the South, which is the political base of the opposition Democrat Party, the Bangkok middle class and the urban voters. The 14 million supporters of Thaksin are mostly rural voters in the Northeast and North of Thailand.

Thaksin succeeded in the strategy of divide and rule between his premiership in 2001 and 2006. His legacy continues to this day.

Thaksin's protesters view that his regime, now reincarnated as the People Power Party, represents the Tyranny of the Majority. It is corrupted and represents Thai politics as we know it.

Thaksin, get out!

The Thai politics as we know it is the electoral process, where the politicians buy the votes and take over the government to distribute the wealth among themselves and their cronies, leaving the general public with the left over bones. Once the politicians are in power, the people have no way to hold them accountable.

Investing in the Thai politics yields very attractive return. The sovereign wealth funds, which have spent billions of dollar to buy into Citibank's recapitalisation last year, get a tiny stake each in the US bank. They also have little control in the management of Citibank.

But in Thai politics, an MP is worth around Bt30 million or around US$1 million. To have a majority control in Parliament of 470, one needs to spend only US$200-US$300 million US dollar to bring the majority MPs to one's wing. The MPs then go on to buy votes from the voters.

Then one is in a position to run the whole country, manage the annual budget of about Bt1.8 trillion, exploit the government concessions and natural resources.

The investment return in Citibank is incomparable to the investment in Thai politics.

The protesters occupying the Government House do not want this kind of democracy as defined loosely and singularly by the electoral process. The Thai democracy as we know it follows the vicious cycle of election, corruption, military coup and then a new constitution throughout the erratic democratic path of Thailand since 1932.

The anti-government protesters look upon the People Power-led government as Tyranny of the Majority. In this arrangement, once the politicians get elected, they take over the government and move on to appoint their own people to serve their self-interests without listening to opposition or criticism. They go on to undermine the check and balance system.

But Thaksin's supporters, largely in the Northeast and the North, view that Thaksin and his people play by the democratic rules. They have been elected by the majority of the Thai people. Moreover, Thaksin is their champion because he introduces universal healthcare and cheap credit to them.

The rural voters view that all governments are corrupt. Thaksin government might not be an exception. But at least, the voters can get something in the form of populist policy out of the Thaksin government whereas past governments have ignored their plight. Thai politics belong to the elite in Bangkok.

The anti-government protesters want democracy without corruption and nepotism. The rural voters look upon democracy as a festival when the politicians hand them money or feed them with good food or take them on a holiday tour. Democracy for the rural voters means the politicians bring them populist policies and look after their welfare because they have voted for the politicians.

Ironically, the champion of the poor is Thailand's richest person, whose wealth of almost US$2 billion kept in the banks is being frozen. By all standard, Thaksin is an elite, who knows how to get around the political system.

The Thaksin's supporters view the protesters as nothing more than sore losers, the Tyranny of the Minority, who have no respect for democracy. The Thaksin's supporters challenge that if the protesters do not like the government, they should wait after four years and try to prove their point in the election polls.

We love Thaksin

The supporters of the Tyranny of the Minoarity argue that they are not good at manipulating the election polls. Come any election, the Thaksin's people would win because they have so much money in store. The democratic rules must be reformed to make it easier for capable people to serve politics -- not just the old-faced politicians alone.

The anti-government protesters want new politics with governance, removal of money politics, and genuine check and balance. They do not trust the politicians.

The pro-government supporters want the political status quo (let's prove it at the election polls). They believe the politicians, who are their representatives, have done their job adequately. No matter how the constitution is reformed, they will continue to pick the old faces as their representatives in Parliament.

In effect, Thai politics is kept in the box.

The Politics of Distortion

Most outsiders, including well foreign media and foreign governments, view that the Military, the Elite, the Establishment and the Bangkok Middle Class are anti-democratic and working openly and behind the scenes to bring down the democratically elected government of the People Power in order to protect their "interest and privilege." The Democrat Party has also been branded as belonging to this faction of sore losers.

On the other hand, Thaksin, the People Power Party, the rural voters in the North and the Northeast are cherished as "democratic lovers".

Let's see the chart below.

Monarchy

________________________________________________

(Anti-democracy?) ........................................... (Pro-democracy?)

Military/Establishment.................................... Thaksin Shinawatra

PAD/Bangkok middle class .............................. Rural people

Democrat Party .................................................People Power Party

12m voters .........................................................14m voters

South, Bangkok .................................................North, Northeast

Independent media ..........................................Pro-government media

...........................................................................Foreign media, foreign govt

New politics ......................................................Political status quo

.........................................Judiciary.................................................

............................Business and financial sectors..........................

**************************************************************

Note: The Monarchy is above the politics and the polarisation. The Judiciary and business and financial sectors are get caught in between the country's polarisation at this critical juncture.

The Monarchy. The Monarchy is above politics and above the polarisation. The Monarchy favours political stability, rule of law and prosperity for the country. If there is political stability, the Monarchy will also enjoy stability. If there is political instability or social upheavals, the Monarchy will also suffers from the instability.

The Monarchy feels uncomfortable everytime Thailand faces instability. This is an important fact. The Monarchy can't favour any parties because it will lose its impartiality. The Monarchy was disturbed by a request for a royally appointed prime minister in 2006 because that could not be constitutionally done. The Monarchy is now disturbed by all parties in conflict at the moment because they don't use their wisdom or make self sacrifice for the country to move ahead again in a proper fashion.

The Monarchy observes the constitutional rules. Contrary to what some books would like us to believe, a weak democracy and a weak rule of law equally undermines the strength of the Thai Monarchy. In short, if there is balance in the Thai system and the Thai people are happy without any divide, the Monarchy will also enjoy stability. The Monarchy can co-exist with genuine democracy in the Thai context.

The Monarchy does not prefer political instability so that it could side with the Military to defend its "privilege and interest" as the wrong-headed The Economist magazine has wrongly claimed. The political instability undermines the Monarchy's stability too.

Similarly, Thailand's interest is to see political stability in its neighbours such as Laos, Cambodia, Malaysia or Burma. Thailand does not enjoy stability if its neigbours face political instability or economic hardship. If Thailand's neighbours achieve stability and prosperity, Thailand will also benefit from that neighbouring stability and prosperity.

The United States also prefers a healthy and stable Mexico rather than enjoying seeing another peso crisis.

The Monarchy system of Thailand should also be seen in this context regarding its relationship with other domestic institutions. If there is balance in Thai society and all the domestic institutions are strong under the rule of law, the Monarchy will enjoy stability.

His Majesty the King's role is impartial. He strictly follows the tradition and the Constitution. He has several times warned the Thais to unite and to use their wisdom to prevent the country from sliding into calamity. The King has used the word "calamity" or lom jom several times.

Abhisit Vejjajiva, the Democrat leader, called for the former prime minister Samak Sundaravej to dissolve the House to defuse the political crisis. By implication, if the politicians could't resolve the political crisis, they had to return the power to His Majesty the King.

After the election was completed, the King would return the power back to the people through Parliament. In this sense, there is always continuity of power in Thai politics, with the Monarch as the ever-present institution.

When King Prachadipok, or Rama VII, lost his Absolute Monarchy in 1932, he did not hand his sovereign power to anybody or any particular group of people. He simply wrote a blank cheque of his sovereign power to the Thai people.

Whenever the Thais can't settle the political crises among themselves, they return the power to the Monarch before they try to move ahead again with the blessing of the Monarch. This is how Constitution Monarchy is working in Thailand, with the King as the benovalent Monarch.

Forbes has recently published a survey finding that the Thai King is the world's richest Monarch with a wealth of US$35 billion. This is a total misunderstanding.

The magazine does know the difference between the assets of the Crown Property Bureau and the assets of His Majesty the King. Any personal assets belonging to His Majesty were derived before he ascended the throne. After he became king, all the assets belong to the Crown. The Crown Property Bureau is a public institution, like the State Railway of Thailand or Egat, owned by the Thai people. The Royal Grand Palace is a property of all the Thai people.

Of the vast landholdings of the Crown Property Bureau in Bangkok, only 17 per cent of the holdings is developed with commercial purpose. The rest is being rented out to government agencies and organisations and the local communities at charity rates.

One just can't calculate President Bush's wealth by adding the White House to his net worth.

The Military/Establishment. The Military and the Establishment have been branded as "pro-coup", whereas Thaksin has been cherished as "democracy defender". So far Gen Anupong Paochinda, the army chief, has been trying to play a soft hand. He is the most powerful figure in Thailand at the moment because he has the guns and the tanks.

Please give me your sincere view. Should I stage a coup, Khunying Pornthip?

But he has insisted that he has sealed the door to a military coup, which is not a way out for Thailand. The military coup in 2006 was a failure in restoring a new political order, so the military is not likely to repeat its act unless there is a Civil War. The 2006 was staged to pre-empt clashes between the PAD and the Thaksin's supporters. Now the cycle has returned.

In general, most Thais had mixed feelings about the 2006 coup. Dr Ammar Siamwalla, the well-known economist, then said he was sad with the 2006 coup but he was not angry with it.

The 1991 military coup staged by Gen Suchinda Khraprayoon served the military's self-interest. So the coup was highly unpopular, although the Chatichai government was branded as Buffet Cabinet. The 2006 coup was a reluctant coup staged to pre-empt the clashes and to restore political order. Both failed miserably.

Now Gen Anupong has power because whenever the politics is weak, the role of the military being enhanced. This is the equation of Thai politics. Weak politics means the politicians and the people are at odds against each other.

Samak declared the State of Emergency on Tuesday, September 2, 2008 in order to give Anupong the sword to quash the protesters occupying the Government House. But Anupong was reluctant to use force, preferring to resort to the diplomatic channel to end the political crises.

Somchai Wongsawat, the new prime minister, inherits the three-year political conflict. Now we are witnessing the political crisis flaring up again.

Again, the military does not want to stage a coup. But if the politicians, the PAD and the Thai public in general continue to squabble without any solution, and in so doing damaging the economy and national stability, the military will only be forced to act finally.

The military now views that the best way out for the country is a political compromise, with a possibility of a National Unity Government. It does not want to get itself into the big mess again.

The military and the establishment would like Thailand to achieve political stability for the long term. It is in their interest. If the Military likes to preserve their power, they would not have called the general election one year after the coup. They could easily serve power for longer years. The Military now listen to the world's public opinion, which goes against military regime.

The military or the elite do not have the money or privileges as claimed because they do not collect the tax and spend the tax money or award out the concessions. The Finance Ministry collects the tax, but the politicians in office spend the money and hand out the government concessions to their friends. The national budget, the bureaucratic appointments and the concessions are in the hands of the politicians. The military only depend their livelihood on the annual budget and at times make commissions from military hardware procurement. The elite only owns the land, but not the cash.

The People's Alliance for Democracy/Bangkok Middle Class.

The PAD has fortified at the Government House compound, and demanded the end to the People Power Party rule. The PAD's argument is that Thai politics is narrowly involved with the politicians only. Once they get elected, the public has no way to get involved or get their voices heard. The politicians go their own way to enjoy, while the whole country suffers. New politics will create more people participation.

Their tactics might violate the law and raise our eye-brows, but their aim is for better politics. The frustration against politics as we know it has been going on for fears, only waiting for the right time to explode. Whenever we have changes from the politics as we know it, the old politicians come back again after the election to run the public office to reinforce the vicious cycle.

We have done nothing wrong, We only exercise a legal act of treason against the state.

The PAD has lost its popular appeal after it has taken over the Government House. Most people are disturbed by its violation of the law.

Let's take a look at the American Revolution. This is from Wikipedia:
"The Boston Tea Party was an act of direct action protest by the American colonists against the British Government in which they destroyed many crates of tea belonging to the British East India Company on ships in Boston Harbor. The incident, which took place on Thursday, December 16, 1773, has been seen as helping to spark the American Revolution and remains to this day one of the most iconic events in American history."

Immigrants supporting the British Crown looked upon the Boston Tea Party as an act of treason or a violation of the rule of law, whereas those who supported independence cherished it as a heroic act. If George Washington had lost the war, he would have been executed on treason. Since he won the war against the British Crown, he was hero.

History is judged by the winner who writes history. If the PAD is quashed, history will look upon the PAD as ugly violators of the law or fake democratic fighters. But if the PAD prevails over the politics as we know it, the takeover of the Government House will be looked upon as one of the "iconic events in Thai history."

The PAD protesters are made up with a strange group of people, namely the Bangkok middle-class, the NGOs, the labour movements, the political activists, the academics, the doctors, the well-educated Thais with master degrees or PhDs. They do not necessary follow the PAD's leaders; but they are fed up with politics as we know it and are afraid that Thaksin might come back.

In the political history of Thailand, the Bangkok middle-class -- not the rural poor -- have always played the prominent role in fighting against the military regimes and the bad politicians for the advancement of the democratic process.

Without the Bangkok middle-class, Thai democracy would not have come this far.

There is a famous Thai political theory, called Two-City Theory. The rural voters -- due to their majority votes -- may vote in the government, but it is the urban voters who bring down the government.

The Democrat Party has got caught in the dilemma. It, too, has been branded as anti-democracy because it boycotted the election in 2006 and is accused as a PAD sympathiser. The Democrat is being isolated in the emerging two-party system.

The Business/Financial Sectors

Now the wealth of Thailand lies in the hand of the private sector, the people who are in business or in the financial sectors. Thailand's economy depends on exports, which account for 60 per cent of the GDP.

The wealth or the privilges are not concentrated in the military/the establishment or the Monarchy as generally misunderstood.

Of Bt6 trillion total money deposited in the Thai banking system, Bt4.2 trillion is being held in less than 900,000 accounts. The rest of Bt1.8 trillion is deposited in 74 million accounts. Thailand has a population of 65 million people.

So who are holding the chunk of Thailand's wealth or the 900,000 accounts of Bt4.2 trillion?

They are the big businesses and family business groups. They are the big stakeholders of Thailand, who have benefited from Thailand's economic development over the past three to four decades. These big-time stakeholders of Thailand control telecom, banking, finance, real estate, exports, trade, liquor, retail (the Shinawatras, the CP, the Sophonpanichs, Chirathiwats, Sirivadhanabhakdis, Red Guar drinks, and so on.)

Land holdings also belong to the big businesses and family business groups.

So far the business people, except the Shinawatras, have yet to make clear their political agenda. They prefer to stay behind the scenes, giving money to all political parties.

The private sector group, consisting of the Federation of Thai Industries, the Thai Bankers' Association and the Thai Chamber of Commerce, traditionally supports the government because its interest is tied to government projects and policy. The private sector does not care much about democracy or no-democracy in so far as the business environment is sound.

Over the past years, the business and financial sectors have also come to have influence in shaping the political outcome. They tend to side with the Bangkok middle-class. But during the Thaksin era, the business and financial sectors appeared to have tilted toward supporting the Thaksin regime. They follow their pocketbooks.

Thaksin Shinawatra and the People Power Party.

To his credit, Thaksin succeeded in legitimising the electoral process. The Thai people in general do not care much about election because they believe that the politicians come and go. All politicians are corrupt. They buy votes. Governments can go any time and they do not have to stay for four years.

But the Thaksin era has legitimised the electoral process of a four-year term like a US presidency. Thaksin's political power came from his massive money stockpiles and his mergers and acquisitions of the political parties in the Northeast. He built the Thai Rak Thai, which was disbanded. Now the People Power Party is its reincarnation. He has Puea Thai Party registered in case that the People Power Party is dissolved.

I love politics as we all know it.

But he also commanded genuine popularity among the rural people.

He pit the rural voters against the urban voters, dividing the country between those who loved him and those who hated him.

Great leaders are known for uniting the country; Thaksin succeeded in dividing the country into two ugly pieces. His legacy continues. Most important, he represents the politics as we know it. He is not for change, but for the status quo.

In the past, even up until now, most Thais do not trust the electoral process. They even look down upon it. They believe that the electoral process can be easily exploited by vote buying through the patronage system. They view the democracy as nothing more than money politics.

But the outside world looking into Thailand narrowly focuses on the electoral process as the barometer. Increasingly, electoral process has come to represent the cornerstone of democracy, even though democracy, to function appropriately, needs a good system of check and balance.

A system of democracy needs other institutional machineries for it to function properly. Protesters against Thaksin view that Thaksin has hijacked democracy with money politics, but his supporters or outsiders look at the protesters as sore losers.

Foreign media, foreign governments and international community liked Thaksin because they viewed that he came from the electoral process. They also viewed that the rural voters' political view should be respected by the whole country.

The world's opinion on Thailand now is tilting toward the rural voters, who now have come to the forefront of democracy in Thailand through their majority votes. Any political opposition against their aspirations or wishes is branded as undemocratic. The rural voters look at democracy as what they can get from the politicians.

The Politicians

The politicians are the main problem or the liabilities of democracy. They buy votes and hope to form government and run the public office. Once in power, they try to recoup their investment from the election. The Thai politicians have yet to reform to better standard to keep in touch with the private sector development.

The old faces still come back to power time and again. Since they control Parliament, they issue law to serve their interest. Since they control the public office, they appoint their own people to serve their interest. Since they control the budget process, they disburse the money to their own constituencies. Since they have control over government concessions, they award the concessions to their cronies or those who pay the kickbacks.

Thai politics as we know it can't go on with these politicians, who have refused to die.

The Judiciary System

A country can survive without democracy but it can't survive without the rule of law.

After the 1997 crisis, the Thai corporates have improved their governance and become more competitive. Businesses have reformed themselves with stronger balance sheet. Corporate governance has improved.

But the Thai political system has not changed at all since 1932. The politicians are still operating in the old mode of money politics. The Cabinet is formed by quota, about 15 MPs getting together to acquire one Cabinet quota.

Thailand does not have any problem with democracy in the superficial form. But it has weakness in the rule of law, which is the intrinsic form of workab le democracy. Hong Kong and Singapore are less democratic than Thailand, but both are deemed to have stronger rule of law than in Thailand.

The burden of democracy lies in the court room. Who's next?

Now the rule of law is being strengthened in Thailand. The Judiciary System has risen to take up the challenge. The judges have become a catalyst of political change by way of the court cases presented to them for deliberation. Their verdicts have changed and will continue to change the course of Thai politics.

The Court nullified the election in 2006. It disbanded the Thai Rak Thai. It has sentenced three election commissioners to jail for failing in their duties. The Appeal Court has upheld the lower court's verdict. The Criminal Court has sentenced Khunying Pojaman Shinawatra to three years in jail for tax evasion. Over the next two weeks, the Supreme Court will read out the verdict on the Rachadapisek land purchase deal in which Thaksin and Pojaman are the defendants.

The Constitution Court has already found Samak guilty of hosting the TV cooking show and stripped off his premiership. There are also other corruption cases against Thaksin waiting for Court deliberation at the moment.

The Constitution Court will also be deliberating the party dissolution case against the People Power Party once the Office of the Attorney General wraps up the case. The People Power Party is at risk of being disbanded like its Thai Rak Thai predecessor because the Election Commission has recommended this move. This process will take some time.

Some, including Samak Sundaravej, are arguing that the judges are crossing the turf of the administration in their verdicts. Moreover the judges, who do not stand in the election, have no right to judge the popularly elected politicians, pro-Thaksin supporters say.

But the judges are doing their duties adequately. Their verdicts are the only hope of strengthening democracy, not undermining democracy.

Conclusion
Most ofl the Thai people, the military, the elite, the Bangkok middle class, the business and financial sectors have a shared interest in the political stability. They all love democracy. But their understanding of the definition of democracy is different from that of the rural Thais, who also cherish democracy in their own views and rights.

All the sources of instability incur from the politicians. The street demonstrations, rightly or wrongly assembled, are simply an anti-thesis to money politics.

Thailand might have a deep-seated political problem at this juncture but it will continue to embrace open society and open economy. The country now depends on tourism and foreign trade to improve the income distribution.

I don't see Thailand backtrack against the democratic process because Thailand is part of the international community and the global economy. It is a joke to believe that the rural voters love or have better understanding of democracy than the Bangkok middle class.

We just need to sort out our internal political system first. The foreign media and foreign experts must stop distorting Thai politics with their convenient definition of "democracy". The Monarchy has been around in Thailand for 700 years. It is an institution of great reverence. It is the strength of Thailand, not an obstacle to progress.

The politicians are the liabilities of our democratic system. If the politicians are clean and really work for the progress of the country, there won't be any street demonstrations. They can't be brought to jail easily because Thailand's rule of law is slow.

A former bank executive has recently been sent to prison after going through the court process of more than 12 years.

Justice delayed is justice denied.

So far the debate about Thailand is dualistic -- democracy or no democracy. That's too easy.

The US, who is the champion of global capitalism, is now doing everything that goes against capitalism or free market by nationalising banks and financial institutions and bailing out the big businesses. We can't say that the US has abandoned capitalism for socialism. The problem has to do with greeds and mistakes in the financial system that is not regulated appropriately.

Temporary US government intervention is necessary to prevent a total collapse of the financial system. But the US is not being attacked in the narrow capitalism/socialism dichotomy, like what Thailand has gone through the "democratic/undemocratic " condemnation after the 2006 military coup.

Thailand's coup in 2006 should be seen in this similar US context. It was a temporary intervention to restore democracy. It only turned out with poor and tragic result. But the price Thailand has to pay is very high in ther international eyes and "democratic lovers".

The US is now trapped in a financial black hole. Thailand is also trapped in a political black hole. Let's allow the US to sort its way out and also allow Thailand to find its way out too, democratic or undemocratic if you like.

Myanmar on the cyber-offensive

2008-09-30T20:04:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
Myanmar on the cyber-offensive
By Brian McCartan

MAE SOT, Thailand - The distributed denial of service attacks, or DDoS, that hit and disabled several exile media websites between September 17 to 19, are widely held to be the latest attempt by Myanmar's military regime to silence its legion of critics.

The cyber-attacks, which flood a website with information requests which block regular traffic and eventually overload and crash it, coincided with the run-up to last year's "Saffron" revolution, in which soldiers opened fire and killed Buddhist monks and anti-government demonstrators. But the junta's cyber-warfare specialists appear to have wider designs than just censoring an uncomfortable anniversary and they are receiving

plenty of foreign assistance in upgrading their political dissent-quashing capabilities.

The Defense Services Computer Directorate (DSCD) was set up by the War Office in around 1990, originally with the aim of modernizing the military's communications and administration systems. By the mid-1990s, however, the center had become much more focused on Information Warfare operations, according to a signals intelligence expert who spoke with Asia Times Online.

The center became responsible for monitoring telephone calls, faxes, e-mails and other forms of electronic data exchange. Another computer center was later set up at the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI), Myanmar's main military intelligence service. The DSCD is aimed more at military communications, while the intelligence service's computer center is more politically focused, including monitoring opposition groups both within and outside Myanmar.

The service was disbanded in 2004 after the arrest of former prime minister and intelligence chief General Khin Nyunt. It was later reformed as the Military Affairs Security (MAS), which has also presumably taken over cyber-warfare functions, and its capabilities have reportedly substantially improved in recent years.

Singapore has been the military's main partner in bolstering those capabilities. The DSCD was originally set up with computers from Singapore and the city-state has been heavily involved in the cyber-units technological evolution, including upgrades to the regime's computerized information systems hardware and training, says the signals intelligence expert. The intelligence service's center was also set up with Singapore-provided assistance.

Several opposition media sources, including The Irrawaddy magazine and Democratic Voice of Burma satellite television station, have said they received information that the most recent attacks on their Websites may have been conducted by Myanmar military officers trained or undergoing training in Russia and China. A longtime analyst of Myanmar's signals intelligence capabilities noted that many of the officers who have undergone training in Russia and China have taken courses in computing and information technology.

While China has been heavily involved in improvements to the Myanmar military's radio communications and, together with Singapore, connecting major military commands with fiber-optic cable, it apparently has been less involved in developing the regime's cyber-warfare capabilities, experts say.

The opposition movement has become noted for its extensive usage of the Internet to send and receive information, reports and news the regime has tried to suppress. As activists and underground journalists have become more tech-savvy, the intelligence service has become more determined to counter the outflow of information. Much of this has taken the form of harassment and more recently DDoS attacks.

Long-running media list server, BurmaNet News, has been a target of Myanmar's junta, which is known to have posted misleading and often inaccurate information to discredit the pro-democracy movement. In 2000, a wave of e-mail messages were received by activists with attachments containing a virus that many suspected came from the regime.

Exile-run political groups, human-rights groups and non-governmental organizations have all repeatedly accused the regime of launching viruses, and Trojan horses, defacing websites, sending waves of spam e-mail and even purchasing domain names with political significance. Although it is difficult to prove who exactly is behind the waves of cyber-harassment, the sheer volume of the attacks points to the regime's trained cyber-specialists, experts say.

Last year, the day after the regime's violent crackdown on street protesters, the Thailand-based Burmese media organization The Irrawaddy was hit by a virus that also infected visitors to their site. The timing of the attack raised suspicions of the junta's involvement.

In July 2008, the websites of the exile-run, Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and New Delhi-based Mizzima News were hit by DDoS attacks that shut down their websites for several days. The attacks followed both news organizations' extensive reporting on the junta's inept and some say corrupt response to the Cyclone Nargis disaster.

On September 17, another wave of DDoS attacks was launched, this time against The Irrawaddy, DVB and the Bangkok-based New Era Journal. Two community forums, Mystery Zillion and Planet Myanmar, were disabled and shut down by similar attacks in August. Although not political in nature, both websites provided information and instruction on how to circumvent the regime's tough Internet controls and firewalls, which include blocks on internationally hosted e-mail services gmail and Yahoo!.

Strategic attacks
Analysts say the cyber-attacks have notably ramped up during the anniversaries of the August 1988 pro-democracy uprising and military repression, and the September 2007 crackdown. Servers involved in the most recent attacks have apparently been situated in Russia and China - however, experts say this may have been done by hackers trying to cover their tracks.

According to communications security expert and Australian National University Professor Desmond Ball, DDoS attacks are relatively simple and can be engineered without the aid of powerful computers or an advanced computer science degree. Similar attacks, he says, have been carried out against Taiwan and Japan for years by young nationalistic Chinese hackers.

DDoS attacks, redirection and defacing of websites are all overt forms of cyber-harassment, but the real essence of cyber-warfare, says Ball, lies in the ability to penetrate a computer or a network, cover your tracks to avoid detection on the way in and out and steal information or disrupt systems without the target knowing that they have been hacked.

The military regime's capabilities in this regard may be where the real danger lies, he says. So far there is little known about the ability of Myanmar's government cyber-warriors to carry out these attacks, partly because the nature of these kinds of attacks is to remain undetected.

Internet security among computer users worldwide is notoriously lax and this includes Burmese exile political and media organizations. Without firewalls and anti-virus programs configured properly and IT specialists monitoring computer systems - an expensive proposition for most exile groups - they are at a distinct disadvantage against the junta.

Domestically, the regime has spent considerable effort to block the flow of information into the country through the use of filtering software that block certain media, human rights and political sites, as well as gambling, pornography and other sites deemed socially unacceptable. Through the use of proxy servers and encrypted webmail services, many of Myanmar's citizens have been able to circumvent some of these controls.

Their tech savvy was shown to the world in September 2007, when graphic images and video of the military's brutal crackdown on protesters were broadcast from an instant army of citizen reporters, who sent their files to outside news organizations over the Internet. In Myanmar's heavily controlled communications environment, there are only a handful of Internet service providers (ISPs), all of them either state-owned or with strong government ties, and thus easy for the regime to disconnect.

Exile groups and much of the media pointed to the three-day period between the beginning of the crackdown in late September 2007 and the shutdown of the Internet as evidence of the junta's lack of technical expertise. Ball, however, contends that the opposite is true.

The generals were willing to endure some international criticism in order to monitor who was communicating with whom before shutting the system down altogether. This information would likely have fueled their post-demonstration manhunts, where thousands were put behind bars, he says.

Myanmar's original ISP is the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications, which was later joined by Bagan Cybertech, a private communications company established by the son of former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt. Following his arrest, the company was partially taken over by the government and renamed BaganNet/Myanmar Teleport.

A third ISP was reportedly set up by the government-supported mass organization the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) in 2007 and is known as Information Technology Central Services. In July 2008, a fourth ISP was launched called Hanthawaddy National Gateway.

Established with technical assistance from China's Alcatel Shanghai Bell, the service is currently only available to military officers, but is expected to eventually expand throughout the country. Alcatel Shanghai Bell is represented locally by Myanmar tycoon Tay Za, a close associate to the country's leader Senior General Than Shwe and other senior officers.

Speculation as to the extent of the regime's cyber-warfare capabilities comes during a fast expansion of Internet access across the country. In addition to two new ISP providers, the generals are pushing local and foreign investment in its Yadanabon Cyber City project, located east of Mandalay.

Over one-fifth of the 4,500 hectare city is slated for computer hardware and software factories and is expected to have modern Internet services available through ADSL, CATV, Triple Play and Wi Max. In July, 12 local and foreign companies, including CBOSS of Russia, agreed to invest US$22 million in the development of the city.

Although ostensibly a civilian initiative, much of the technology to be developed, built and used there would have dual use capabilities, experts say.

Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.

TIMELINE: Thailand's long-running political crisis

2008-09-09T17:32:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
TIMELINE: Thailand's long-running political crisis

(Reuters) - Thailand's Constitutional Court ordered Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej to stand down on Tuesday, accusing him of breaking the law by hosting cooking shows on commercial television while in office.

His party said it would seek his re-election as premier by parliament on Friday.

Here is a chronology charting the political turmoil that has dogged the Southeast Asian country.

-- 2005

* September: Sondhi Limthongkul, a disgruntled former business associate, starts the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), a street campaign dedicated to ousting Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Sondhi argues that Thaksin's huge parliamentary majority has made him corrupt.

-- 2006

* April 2: Thaksin wins a snap election designed to silence Sondhi's increasingly biting criticism, but the victory is undermined by an opposition boycott that renders the result void. Judges annul the entire poll a few weeks later.

* September 19: Military stages coup while Thaksin is at U.N. headquarters in New York. He retreats into exile in London.

* October 1: Former army commander-in-chief Surayud Chulanont sworn in as interim prime minister.

-- 2007

* March 26: Prosecutors charge Thaksin's wife, Potjaman, her brother and secretary with tax evasion.

* May 30: Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party is dissolved for breaking election laws. Thaksin and 110 other senior party members are banned from politics for five years.

* August 20: Voters endorse new, military-drafted constitution, the 18th in 75 years of on-off democracy.

* December 23: Pro-Thaksin People Power Party (PPP) falls just short of outright majority in a general election.

-- 2008

* Jan 8: Thaksin's wife, Potjaman, returns to Thailand after months of exile to fight corruption charges.

* Jan 28: PPP leader Samak Sundaravej elected prime minister, heading a six-party coalition.

* Feb 28: Thaksin returns to thunderous welcome at Bangkok airport after 18 months in exile.

* March 10: Charges filed against Thaksin over illegal use of state lottery funds. He pleads not guilty.

* May 25: PAD resumes its street protests, this time to overthrow what it says is a "Thaksin puppet" government.

* July 31: Potjaman sentenced to three years' jail for tax fraud. Freed on bail, she and Thaksin fly to Beijing for the Olympic Games opening ceremony on August 8.

* Aug 11: Thaksin and wife fail to return to Thailand from Beijing to report to the courts. From London he issues a statement blaming his flight on his opponents' meddling in the judicial system.

* Aug 26: Thousands of royalist demonstrators storm state broadcaster NBT and Samak's official compound in a PAD-organized attempt to unseat his government.

* Aug 29: Riot police scuffle with protesters as they deliver eviction orders at Government House. Demonstrations spread from the capital, forcing the temporary closure of airports in Krabi and Phuket, two southern tourist destinations. Rail services are also disrupted by strikes.

* Sept 2: Samak declares state of emergency in Bangkok after one person is killed and 45 hurt in overnight clashes between his supporters and anti-government protesters. Army chief says force will not be used to break up occupation of government compound.

* Sept 4: Samak proposes national referendum to end the crisis, but details are murky. PAD rejects the idea, calling it a government delaying tactic.

* Sept 6: Thai military brass meet to discuss crisis, fuelling rumors of a coup. Supreme commander says another putsch is not an option, for now.

* Sept 8: Samak appears in court to deny charges that he broke conflict of interest rules by hosting TV cooking shows while in office.

* Sept 9: Constitutional Court finds Samak guilty of violating constitution, says he must quit. His People Power Party immediately says it will renominate him as prime minister.

Source: Reuters

(Compiled by Bangkok bureau and Gillian Murdoch, Beijing Editorial

ကဗ်လကၤာဂုိဏ္မန္ဒၥိတ္(တံ၀စနံ)

2008-09-09T13:47:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ကဗ်လကၤာဂုိဏ္မန္ဒၥိတ္(တံ၀စနံ)

ဂုိဏ္မန္ပုႎပႜန္၊ ခ်ဴဆန္ေကတ္နဲ၊ ေဒပ္ပႛဲစိတၱံ၊
ဗုီစြံခ်ပ္ရံင္၊ တီညံင္ဂြံဗုိန္၊ လၞိဟ္ဂုိဏ္န၀၊
ဂုိဏ္ရ၊ဂ၊၀၊ သုီမဂုိဏ္ခုတ္၊ လံင္စုတ္ဂုိဏ္စ၊
ဆဇဓပႝ၊ ညှဂလာန္ရ၊ တံ၀စနံ။

ကဗ်၀ြံကႜဳင္ႏူလိက္နဲဇန္ဇၞန္ကဗ် လကၤာ နာဲဟံသာတႛဲဏအ္မခ်ဴဇန္လ၀္ေရာင္၊ ဂြံလ၀္ပါင္တုိက္တုဲ မွာရာႏြံမၢးဘုိင္ထံက္ကု္ညိအၜ။

ခႝိင္သၞိင္ေမန္ေကာန္ျပဟ္ဒတုံေစွ္၊သၞတ္ျဗၜမြဲဒးအာ၀ပ္

2008-08-28T15:07:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ခႝိင္သၞိင္ေမန္ေကာန္ျပဟ္ဒတုံေစွ္၊သၞတ္ျဗၜမြဲဒးအာ၀ပ္
ဓါတ္ပုံ ကုိနစ္ေနမန္းဘေလာက္မွရရွိသည္၊

ခႝိင္သၞိင္ေမန္ေကာန္မႝဳံအာယုက္ ၂၀၀ သႝာံဂွ္စြံပၱန္ပႛဲကြာန္ေမန္ေကာန္မဒွ္ရ၊ ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ ဂိတုအ၀္ဂါတ္ ၃၊၂၀၀၈။အခိင္တၝဲေစင္႓ုိတ္ ၂ နာဍှကုဪ ၅၀မိေနတ္ဂွ္ေကာန္ငၝာ္ျဗၜမြဲတႜမႝဳံအာယုက္(၈)သႝာံဒးအာ၀ပ္လၸာ္ဒီပုင္တုဲက၀္အာေရာင္ ေသြာံတီေကတ္ရ၊

ျပသႝာဍဳင္ဗၞာဂါမ္ဗာရီေသာင္ဟြံမာန္၊ကံင္ျဇီဂုီကႜဳီကုလသမဂၢေထက္ကဪုဒးပုိတ္သၠဳတ္

2008-08-24T23:57:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ျပသႝာဍဳင္ဗၞာဂါမ္ဗာရီေသာင္ဟြံမာန္၊ကံင္ျဇီဂုီကႜဳီကုလသမဂၢေထက္ကဪုဒးပုိတ္သၠဳတ္

မာံကာန္စှ

ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရီမဒွ္ညးစႝးေတၞင္ကုလသမဂၢေဆင္စပ္ကုဪဍဳင္ဗၞာလအိတ္ေကႜံတရၜကလုတ္အၾကာပြဳိင္ၾတၜတၝဲပႛဲတၝဲသၝိသ၀္တုဲ
ကႜဳင္ဂွ္ဟုိတ္ႏူဟြံဂြံဆုဪဂဗကုဪမႝိဟ္အဓိက႓ါတႜဒ၀္သုက်ီကုဪဗုိလ္တာန္ယွဳဲိတုဲတရၜ၀ြံဒွ္တရၜမက်ဟုံျဗဳီေဇႝာ္ကုဪျဇဟတ္မြဲ၊ဒွ္တရၜဟြံအံင္
ဇႝးမြဲသာ္၀ြံလၸာ္ရဲဒစုဪဒစးေဗာ္သုက်ီတအ္ကုီသုီလၸာ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ကုီဟုီဂးမံင္အုိတ္ရ ၊လၸာ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ဂွ္ပရဲတိတ္
မံင္ညိညတုဲသုင္ေစာဲတၜေ၀ါဟာရဟြံၾကံင္မၝဳိဟ္ကုီေလ၀္လၸာ္ေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ဂွ္သုင္ေစာဲတၜေ၀ါဟာၾကံင္မၝဳိဟ္မံင္ညိရ၊

ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရီ၀ြံဖာပ္လ၀္အခိင္ခ်ိင္လ၀္သြက္ဂြံဆုဪဂဗကုဪဒ၀္သုက်ီပႛဲဂိတုအ၀္ဂါတ္၂၀ ဂွ္ေလ၀္ ဒ၀္သုဟြံဒုင္ဆုဪကႜဳင္တုဲ
သြက္ဂါမ္ဗာရီဂွ္ျဂဳိဟ္ယါက္အာဒွ္မာန္ရ၊နကုဪစက္လေလာင္ရမ်ာင္ေလ၀္ကညာင္ေကာ္၊နကုဪလိက္ေလ၀္
ခ်ဴဏါကုီရ၊႓ုိတ္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ဒ၀္သုက်ီပဲါတးေကႜံသုီဖအုိတ္ရ၊ဟုိတ္ဒ၀္သုက်ီဟြံဒုင္ဆုဪဂဗဂွ္႓ုိန္ရလေလာင္ၾတးပၱိတ္ဗဗြဲဓရ္ဟြံမြဲကုီ
ေလ၀္သြက္ရဲဒးဒုင္ၾကဳိင္လ၀္တအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္နဲဂႜံင္တရၜထ႟း မံင္ဆႏၵသကာတ္သကာတ္ျမဟ္ဟ္မြဲသာ္ေရာင္ဂွ္ခ်ိဳတ္ပႜဳိတ္ရ၊

တရၜဂါမ္ဗာရီ၀ြံဒွ္တရၜမရႏုက္ကုဪပန္၀ါတုဲတရၜညးေတံတုဲတုဲကႜဳင္ေတံေလ၀္ပေရင္အံင္ဇႝးမပၱံဗလးကုဪေကာန္ထံင္သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္
ကြာန္ကုီ၊ပေရင္တက္က်ာဍဳိပ္ဖၜပိမကုီ၊ပေရင္အာတ္မိက္ပၞိက္ေဗာ္ဒစဪုဒစးတအ္ကုီဂွ္မုမြဲေလ၀္ပေရင္တၜတက္ဟြံမြဲကႜဳင္ရ၊ဆဂွ္
ဟြံကဏီ၊သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္၀ွ္ၾကံင္ညံင္ရၜဥဴညီပု၊ဒံက္တာေတန္ေမန္ေထာတ္မဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာဟုိတ္ႏူခ်ဴလိက္ကုဪယူေအန္တအ္
ကုီ၊ရဲရုီဗင္ညးဒးဘဲကပ္က်ာမီလံင္ညံင္ရၜနာဲဇာဂနာ၊ျဇ၀္ေတတ္ထုဲိတအ္ကုီေကုာံေကာန္ထံင္သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္မဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ
သုီဟြံမြဲကုဪဟုိတ္ဖုဪ၊ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ကြးဘာဒးဒုင္ရပ္လ၀္ေပင္သႝာံသုီဟြံမြဲကုဪအမွဳဂဗုတ္မေစာတ္ေစာဲတအ္ဂွ္ေလ၀္မြဲပါင္ဓရ္ဟြံဂံင္သၞာ
ပရုိင္၊ညးမြဲေလ၀္ဟြံဗႜးကႜဳင္ဏီရ၊ပေရင္တက္က်ာအၾကာမႝိဟ္အံင္ဇဲအလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗုိလ္အံင္က်ီကုဪဒ၀္သုက်ီမအာဂြံလ၀္က၀က္္
က၀ုဲဂွ္ေလ၀္သၝိတ္ျဇအာသုီဟြံမြဲကုဪဟုိတ္ဖုဪရ၊ကိစၥဂွ္ေလ၀္ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရီဟြံသၸတီကႜဳင္တုဲပပႝ၀ိုတ္မံင္ရ၊ေကာန္ထံင္ႏူ
လၞိဟ္မြဲလၝီျပင္ဂွ္ၾကပ္ဒွ္အာ႓ါလၝီရ၊

ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ဂိတုေမ(၁၀)စုဪကုဪစုိပ္(၂၄)သႝာံဏအ္ဂွ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ေကႜာန္ဗဒွ္ကႜဳင္ေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္သုီဟြံမြဲကုဪဗ
ဗြဲဓရ္သၞးဟြံက၊ဗ်ာံလ၀္ပႜံင္လြဟ္လေဒါ၀္ဍဟ္အၾကာကေတာ၀္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္တုဲစကာကုဪစုတ္မာဲထံက္ဂလာန္အေတင္ရ၊
ေပဲါဒုင္ေကတ္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂွ္တုဲဒွ္အာတုဲစိုပ္သႝာံ(၂၀၁၀)ဏအ္မၢးေကႜာန္ဗဒွ္အာေပဲါရုဲမာဲေရာင္ဂွ္လေလာင္ၾတးလ၀္ရ၊လၱဴ
ေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ကုီ၊သုီေပဲါရုဲမာဲတအ္ဂွ္ေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစးေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီကုီ၊ေဗာ္မဟာမိတ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္(ယူေအန္
ေအ)ကုီဒုင္တဲဟြံမာန္တုဲသြက္ဂြံသၸစၞတ္သမၱီဂွ္ပဲါတးလ၀္ေပင္ေပင္ရ၊

ပြအလုဪအသှပႝာန္ေကႜာန္ဏါေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဟြံမြဲကုဪဗဗြဲဓရ္ဂွ္ေစွ္စးမံင္ကုဪတင္တုပ္စုိတ္ကံင္ျဇီဂုီကႜဳီကုလသမဂၢေဖ်ံလ၀္
ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲအံက္တ၀္ဗာ၊သႝာံ၂၀၀၇အာတ္မိက္လ၀္သြက္ဂြံကုဪအေခါင္ကုဪညးလၝတ္ႏူဍဳင္မၝးတအ္လုပ္ရံင္ရ၊ပြမဆက္အာမံင္အတုိင္
ဗုီတိထ႟းဂႜံင္တရၜ(၇)တင္ဂွ္တုဲပဲါတးမံင္တင္အာတ္မိက္တက္က်ာဍဳိပ္ဖၜပိမမတြံဂးအလုဪအသှပႝာန္၊ေဗာ္ဇႝးမာဲ၊ေကုာံညးစႝးေကာန္
ဍဳင္အရင္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ေစွ္စးမံင္ကုဪတင္တုပ္စုိတ္ကုလသမဂၢမေဖ်ံလ၀္ႏူသႝာံ ၂၀၀၃ ပႛဲကုဪ United Nations General Assembly
မအာတ္မိက္လ၀္ပေရင္တက္က်ာဍဳိပ္ဖၜပိမတပ္ပ္ရ၊

ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရီဂွ္သုီကုဪဟြြံပသတိကုဪတင္လတူတအ္ဂွ္တုဲတက္က်ာသၞာန္သၞဳက္ဟဍံက္မံင္အေရ၀္ကုဪေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစးတအ္စပ္
ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲတၞိကုီ၊သုီကုဪဟုီထုိင္သးတၜအလုဪအသှ္ပႝာန္စပ္ကုဪေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ပႜန္ရ၊တင္ဏအ္ဂွ္ညံင္ရၜထပုိတ္ဏါခရံက္ကုဪ
ကႝဳဲကုီရ၊တင္ေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ဍဳဟ္အုိတ္ဂွ္ညးေတံကႜဳင္သှကႜှဟုီဂးတၜဂွ္ဂပ္၀္အမ္သ၀္တၜဗြဲမေလာန္ရ၊ကာလေဗာ္ေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီ
တအ္ကေလင္သၞာန္စပ္ကုဪသြဟ္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲသႝာံ(၁၉၉၀)ဂွ္ညးေတံဟြံသြဟ္ကႜဳင္ရ၊မၝးႏူဂွ္ပႜန္၊ညးေတံကုဪအခိင္ဆုဪဂဗကုဪေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစး
ေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီပြဳိင္(၂၀)မိေနတ္ဓရ္ပႛဲအလန္ကႜာဂွ္တုဲေဗာ္ဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ဟြံေပင္စုိတ္တုဲကညာင္တၜရ၊ညးေတံမံင္ဟြံဂြံတုဲဒးအာဆုဪ
ဂဗအလန္ဒုတိယပႜန္ရ၊အလန္ဒုတိယ၀ြံဂြံအခိင္ဂႜဳိင္ညိရ၊႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္မေသွ္မံင္ပႛဲဍဳင္လဂုင္ကုီ၊ကလုတ္
ထ၀္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဟြံဒးဒုင္ရပ္ေသွ္မံင္တအ္ကုီဂွ္ညးေတံဟြံဆုဪဂဗကႜဳင္ရ၊စႝးဂွ္ညးေတံဆုဪဂဗကႜဳင္ကုဪဂေကာံေလံဒုက္အလုဪအသှ
ပႝာန္တအ္ကုီ၊သုီကုဪဂေကာံေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္လၝဳဪမပၱံဂေကာံပအုဪ၊ဂေကာံညီသာေကာန္ဂကူမထံက္ဂလာန္ကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္
တအ္ကုီရ၊

ပြဂါမ္ဗာရီေကႜာန္သၸဏါဗုီဏအ္ဂွ္ခဍဳိက္ခရုိက္ဏါဂုဏ္သိကၡာညးေတံသၞးဟြံက၊သုီခဍဳိက္ခရုိက္ဏါဂုဏ္သိကၡာဂေကာံတိုင္ခီဂႜး
က၀္ယူေအန္ရ၊ပေရင္ညးေတံေဍမ္ဂါမ္အာမံင္ဂတစပ္ကုဪေသၢာံသၸစၞတ္သမၱီေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂိတုေမဂွ္တုဲဓရုိဟ္ဏါေဗာ္ဒ
စုဪဒစးတအ္ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲသႝာံ(၂၀၁၀)ဂွ္ဒွ္ပြညးေတံေကႜာန္ေထက္ဟြံေသင္ရ၊႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ညးေတံဇုိင္ေဍမ္ဟလုိင္လုပ္အာညိတုဲညး
ေတံေသၢာံကေလင္ကလိဂြံဓရ္ေပၱဟ္ႏူရဲဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ပႜန္ဂွ္ဟြံေလာဲသြာတုဲကေမႜာန္ညးေတံနဒဒွ္ကလုတ္ေတၞင္ကုလသမဂၢေဆင္
စပ္ကုဪဍဳင္ဗၞာမြဲတႜဂွ္အာယုက္အုိတ္အာအလန္ဏအ္ေလ၀္ဒွ္မာန္ရ၊

ျပသႝာဍဳင္ဗၞာဂွ္ေမတ္သတာရာျဇာလီေလ၀္ေသာင္ကႜဳင္ဟြံမာန္၊ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရှေလ၀္ဒးကၞဳဲ႓ုိက္ပႜန္တုဲအလန္ဏအ္မၢးကံင္
ျဇှဂုီကႜဳီကုလသမဂၢဒးေကႜာန္ကုဪပုိတ္တ္သၠဳတ္တ္ေထက္ရ၊ယ၀္ရသၸစၞတ္သမၱီကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲအလုဪအသှပႝာန္သႝာံ (၂၀၁၀)မၢးဒးလေလာင္
္ၾတး၊ယ၀္ရေကတ္အေရ၀္ကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္ေလ၀္ဒးလေလာင္ၾတးေထက္ရ၊မံင္ဒၞံင္လေဒါ၀္ဇံင္ကႝိန္ညံင္ရၜဒံက္ေခ၀္တုဲတုိန္
ေလ၀္ဟြံတုိန္၊ေစွ္ေလ၀္ဟြံေစွ္ဂွ္ဒွ္အရာဟလုိင္ပၱဳိန္ေကာန္ထံင္သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ဒဒုိက္သႝာညးဍဳင္ကြာန္
တအ္ရ၊

ဍဳင္ဗၞာဂွ္ဒပ္ပႝာန္သီေကတ္အ၀ုဪႏူသႝာံ၁၉၆၂ေတံတုဲလႝိန္ဗပိန္ကႜဳင္သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ကြးဘာ၊ရဲခ်ီဓရာင္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇှတအ္န
ကုဪနဲဆီပၚဍာ္ေဇြာ၀္ဂႜဳိင္ကုဪအလန္၊ဂႜဳိင္ကုဪ၀ါရ၊ဍဳင္ဗၞာဂွ္ဒွ္ဍဳင္ျပသႝာေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္ကုဪေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒဍဳင္တအ္တမ္ရုိဟ္ေဍံတုဲျပ
သႝာ၀ါဒဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇှကုဪ၀ါဒတႜအ၀ုဪဂွ္ကႝဳင္ေကႝာတ္ေဍံရ၊ကာလလေဆာ၀္ကံကုသုဪဟြံခုိဟ္တုဲသြက္ေသၢာံေသာင္ကလးျပသႝာတမ္
ရုိဟ္ကႜာဂွ္သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္ဗၞာတအ္လၝဳဪဟြံညာတ္ရ၊ဟုိတ္ႏူအသိင္အလုိန္မှဒှယာဗၞာတအ္ဓလုီဍဳိက္လ၀္ကိစၥဍဳင္ဗၞာတုဲကာလ
လေဆာ၀္ကိစၥေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဂွ္ဒးဒုင္၀ုိတ္အာမြဲလစုတ္ရ၊

ဟုိတ္ႏူသာ္ဂွ္တုဲပူဂုဪလၝတ္ပေရင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာတအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္ေလ၀္ဟြံတီေကတ္ျပသႝာတမ္ရုိဟ္ကုဪျပသႝာကႝဳင္ေကႝာတ္ရ၊ေပႝာ၀္ကုဪပူဂုဪ
တအ္ဂွ္ေမတ္သတာဂါမ္ဗာရီေလ၀္ပါလုပ္လၞိဟ္မံင္မြဲတႜကုီဟာဂွ္ဒးခ်ပ္ဗၥာေထက္ေရာင္။

မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေေန႕ကို ျပည္တြင္းရွိမြန္မ်ား က်င္းပ

2008-08-16T22:35:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေေန႕ကို ျပည္တြင္းရွိမြန္မ်ား က်င္းပ

Sat 16 Aug 2008, အာကာ၊ လြတ္လပ္ေသာမြန္သတင္းေအဂ်&#
စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွ အရပ္ဘက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးသို႕ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းရာ၌ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအင္အားစု အပါအဝင္ ျပည္သူလူထုအမ်ားစု၏ စစ္မွန္သည့္ ေထာက္ခံမႈရရွိထားေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဖြဲ႕စည္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒတစ္ရပ္ လိုအပ္သည္။

သို႕မဟုတ္လ်ွင္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္မႈအစား အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းေျပမႈႀကီး အသစ္တစ္ခုကို တြန္းပို႕လိုက္သလိုျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ယေန႕ တြင္က်ေရာက္ေသာ 61 ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕၌ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီက ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကျငာထားသည္။

ပါတီက ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာမ်ားကို ႏုိင္ငံေရးနည္းအရ ကုလသမဂၢမွခ်မွတ္ထားေသာ သုံးပြင့္ဆိုင္ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြး အေျဖရွာေရး ေပၚလစီျဖင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ထားေသာ လက္နက္ကိုင္လူမ်ဳိးစု ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားသည္ ေရွ႕ႏုိင္ငံေရး အသစ္တစ္ရပ္အတြက္ အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ရမည့္ အေနအထားသို႕ ေရာက္ရွိလာသည္။

တပ္မေတာ္အစိုးရ၏ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ား အေပၚတြင္မူတည္၍ မိမိတို႕ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အင္အားစုမ်ား မည္သို႕ဆက္လက္ရပ္တည္ စခန္း သြားမည္ကိုလည္းေကာင္း၊ မိမိလူထုအတြင္း မည္သို႕ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ ခင္းက်င္းျပင္ဆင္စုဖြဲ႕ရမည္ ကိုလည္းေကာင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

စစ္မွန္သည့္ျပည္ေထာင္စုႏွင့္ ပါတီစုံဒီမိုကေရစီ ေပၚထြန္းေရးအတြက္ မဟာမိတ္ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိးစုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္အတူ အနိမ့္ဆုံးဘုံလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ရွာေဖြၿပီး ပါတီအေနႏွင့္ ဆက္လက္ရပ္တည္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထုတ္ျပန္ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

မြန္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္အေပါင္းႏွင့္ ပါတီရဲေဘာ္အေပါင္းတို႕သည္ ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္သည့္ ေတြေဝသစၥာေဖာက္မႈ မ်ားကို ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ဆန္႕က်င္ၿပီး လက္ေလၽွာ့အ႐ႈံးေပးေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ လက္ေတြ႕ မဆန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားႏွင့္ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို ဆန္႕က်င္ကာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအသီးအပြင့္မ်ား ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းသြားႏိုင္ရန္ မျဖစ္မေနႀကိဳးပမ္းသြားရမည္ဟု ပါတီကတိုက္တြန္းထားသည္။

ပါတီအေနႏွင့္လည္း မိမိတို႕ခ႐ုိင္ႏွင့္ ဗဟိုေဒသမ်ားတြင္ မြန္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ မြန္ရဲေဘာ္ ႏွစ္က်ိပ္မွ 1948ဘားးအံၿမိဳ႕နယ္ဇာသျပင္ေက်းရြာ၌ဦးေဆာင္လက္နက္သိမ္းဆည္းတိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ေသာေန႕ကိုအစျပဳ၍မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕ကိုက်င္းပခဲ့သည္။

ယေန႕တြင္က်ေရာက္ေသာ 61 ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕ကိုလည္း မြန္ျပည္ သူမ်ားနားလည္ သေဘာေပါက္ရန္အတြက္ မြန္လူငယ္မ်ား၊ ရဟန္းပ်ဳိမ်ား၊ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္း သားမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ားသည္ က်ဆုံးသြားေသာ မြန္အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏အုတ္ဂူသို႕ သြားေရာက္ ဂါရဝျပဳၾကသည္။

ယခုကဲ့သို႕ ဂါရဝျပဳျခင္းသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို ေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ မြန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တို႕ကို ရည္စူး၍ ၎တို႕၏ အုတ္ဂူသို႕ သြားေရာက္ဂါရဝျပဳျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေန႕လႈပ္ရွားသူတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။

“ေရးနဲ႕ သံျဖဴဇရပ္ကလူေတြက မြန္ျပည္သူ႕တပ္ဦး ဥကၠဌ ႏုိင္ေအာင္ထြန္းအုတ္ဂူရွိတဲ့ ပငေက်းရြာကိုသြားၿပီးေတာ့ ဂါရဝျပဳၾကမယ္။ မုဒုံ၊ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္၊ ေခ်ာင္းဆုံ၊ ေပါင္၊ က်ဳိက္မေရာ နဲ႕ ေကာ့ကရိတ္အပိုင္းကေတာ့ ႏွီးဗေဒါေက်းရြာမွာရွိတဲ့ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဒုဥကၠဌ ႏိုင္ႏြန္လာ အုတ္ဂူကို သြားၾကမယ္” ဟု ထိုမြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕လႈပ္ရွားသူက ေျပာသည္။

ထို႕ေနာက္ ကမၻာ့အႀကီးဆုံးေလ်ာင္းေတာ္မႈဘုရား ဝင္းစိန္ေတာရေက်ာင္းဝင္းရွိ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ ပါတီတည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သူ ဥကၠဌႏိုင္ေရႊက်င္ႏွင့္ ဥကၠဌႏိုင္ထင္တို႕ အုတ္ဂူသို႕ စုေပါင္းဂါရဝျပဳ ၾကသည္။

ဝင္းစိန္ေတာရေက်ာင္းတြင္ ၎ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕ကို ဦးေဆာင္ေသာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေဆြးေႏြးရွင္းျပၿပီး ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ ေသာအျမင္မ်ားကို လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ေဆြးေႏြးတင္ျပမည္ဟု ပါဝင္သူတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ယေန႕လႈပ္ရွားမႈသည္ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ျဖစ္ၿပီး သံဃာေတာ္ အပါး 80 ေက်ာ္၊ တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသား 200 ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သလူထု 200 ေက်ာ္ခန္႕ ပါဝင္လႈပ္ရွားၾကသည္။

ျပည္တြင္းရွိမြန္မ်ားသာမက ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံရွိ မြန္မ်ားလည္း မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႕ အခမ္းအနားကို က်င္းပၾကသည္။ ထို႕အျပင္ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္လည္း မြန္ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ထိုင္းမြန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တို႕႕ စုေပါင္း၍ အခမ္းအနားတရပ္ကိုက်င္းပခဲ့သည္။

ယခုအခ်ိန္၌ ထိုင္းမြန္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနသည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံေရာက္ မြန္ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားက ဝမ္းေရးအတြက္ခက္ခဲေနသည့္ၾကားမွ ထိုေန႕ကို က်င္းပခဲ့သည့္ အတြက္ မိမိထိုင္းမြန္လူငယ္တစ္ဦးအေနႏွင့္ ခ်ီးက်ဴးအားတက္မိေၾကာင္း ယခုကဲ့သို႕ ႏွစ္စဥ္ က်င္းပသြားမည္ဆိုလၽွင္အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနေသာ ထိုင္းမြန္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ျပန္လည္ႏုိးထလာမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထိုင္းမြန္လူငယ္တစ္ဦးက ေျပာၾကားသြားသည္။

လိက္လေလာင္ၾတး တၝဲပႜန္ဂတးမန္(၆၁)အလန္

2008-08-16T11:49:00.001-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
လိက္လေလာင္ၾတး တၝဲပႜန္ဂတးမန္(၆၁)အလန္

ကမၼ႒ာန္စံင္ဇြျဂဇုတ္နာဲသုိက္အံင္ရာမာန္မဒွ္ဥကၠ႒ေၾတံေဗာ္ကေလင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္မန္၊ဍဳင္အေမရိကာန္

2008-08-15T21:37:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ကမၼ႒ာန္စံင္ဇြျဂဇုတ္နာဲသုိက္အံင္ရာမာန္မဒွ္ဥကၠ႒ေၾတံေဗာ္ကေလင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္မန္၊ဍဳင္အေမရိကာန္

တၝဲပႜန္ဂတးမန္(၆၁)အလန္

2008-08-15T00:04:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲ ရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္ (သၠဳတ္ဒုတိယ)

2008-08-03T20:17:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲ ရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္ (သၠဳတ္ဒုတိယ)

ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ႏုက္တိတ္ႏူဘ၀သမၼတကၞိန္ဍဳင္သႝာံ(၁၉၈၁)တုဲနာဲသာန္ယုဒွ္သမၼတကုီေလ၀္ပေရင္အုိႆုီကၱဳဪဒွ္မံင္ပႛဲဍဳင္ဗၞာအခိင္ဂွ္ ဟြံစာ္စႛးႏူအမိင္ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္သက္က္ရ၊

ဟုိတ္ဂွ္ရ၊ ျပသႝာမကၱဳဪဒွ္မံင္ပႛဲဍဳင္ဗၞာအခိင္ဂွ္ အဲသမၱီဒးမံင္နကုဪရမ်ာင္ကေရဲသာ္ဏအ္ရ၊

(မႝိဟ္မြဲတုိန္)ပန္ေစွာ္ဒၥိတ္ဂွ္၊ လွာဲေထာံသႝာံ၊ (မႝိဟ္ဟလုိင္ဟုီ) စုိပ္ကႜဳင္ပယ်ာံ၊ မသုန္ေစွာ္ပႜန္ရ၊
(မႝိဟ္မြဲတုိန္) စုိပ္ကႜဳင္ပယ်ာံ၊ မသုန္ေစွာ္ပႜန္ရ၊ (မႝိဟ္ဟလုိင္ဟုီ) ပန္ေစွာ္ဒၥိတ္ဂွ္ ၊လွာဲေထာံသႝာံ၊ (ေသၞဟ္တအ္ေလ၀္တုိန္ေစွ္တုပ္အုိတ္)
ေနေ၀န္သာန္ယု၊ တႜအ၀ုဪပႝာန္၊ ဍဳဪဍဳိက္ညးကြာန္၊ ဒုင္ဟြံမာန္ရ၊
ရဲေကႜာန္ဗၝတအ္၊ ေကႜာ၀္မံင္ပုင္၊ အလုံဍဳင္မြဲ၊ ၀ါတ္ေစွ္ရုိဟ္တၝဲ၊ (ေကတ္မံင္ေၾသာံေဒင္႓က္ႏူေသႝာတ္ဗ႓တ္)
အာကႜဳင္စေလ၀္၊ ေဖက္ပ၀္တာ၊ ေဍံရပ္ဏါ၊ ဒးႏုက္ကုဪၾသန္၊ (ဗက္ရပ္ပ၀္တာ တံင္ဏါ ကုဪထ႓းဂႜံင္ ဗက္ခ်ံင္ ရဲျဂိပ္ပႜန္ဂတး)
သြံရာန္စေလ၀္၊ ဒးဒုင္ရပ္၊ ပႜံင္မံင္ျဂပ္၊ ညံင္ဒမႜပုိင္ဍဳင္၊ (ကၞာတ္လ၀္္ၾတင္လ၀္ပေရင္ပုိန္ျဂပ္ကုဪဍဳင္မၝး၊ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ပံက္ဂွ္ဒွ္ကႜတ္ေကႜာန္(ေမွာင္ခုိး)

တုဲပႜန္၊ ရမ်ာင္ကေရဲ မံင္အလုံဍဳင္ဂွ္-

အေခါင္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇီဂွ္ ကုဪပုဲ ိကုဪပုဲ ိ၊
ေသႝာတ္၀္ေဗာ္မြဲဂွ္ ပလုီကုဪ၊ပလုီကုဪ၊
ေနေ၀န္မုဟ္ပုိတ္၊ ဂစုိတ္၊ ဂစုိတ္၊
ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ပုဲ ိ၊ ဒးအံင္ဇႝးေရာင္၊ ဒးအံင္ဇႝးေရာင္၊

ရမ်ာင္ကေရဲဗုီဏအ္ဂွ္ ျဗဳတမၛ၀္မံင္စုဪကုဪစုိပ္စၞတ္တၝဲ(၈၊၈၊၈၈) ဂွ္ရ၊ ေနေ၀န္ဒတၜလက္ကရၜတုဲဗုိလ္သ၀္မိုင္ေဖ်ံအမိင္ ကုဪပန္ဂစုိတ္ရဲထ႓းဆႏၵတအ္ ႏူစၞတ္တၝဲ (၈)စုဪစုိပ္ (၁၃)၊ဂိတု(၈)ဂွ္ရ၊ပေရင္ကႅဳိက္ကၞဳဪ(၈၈၈၈) ပန္မဂွ္ ႓ုိန္ရညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ကြးဘာ၊သင္ခရွ္၊ျဗၜမိန္တအ္ဒုင္ပူဇၜဏါလ်ဳီဗႝတ္(၃၀၀၀)ျပင္င္ကုီေလ၀္ ဆအယာံမာတ္ ပလွ္ေဖ်ံေထာံတႜအ၀ုဪ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္၊ေဗာ္မဆလေကုာံေကႜာန္သၸကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲပႜာံဗဇးစုိတ္ဓါတ္ညး ဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ရ၊

စပ္ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲဍဳင္ဗၞာတုဲ ဂြံသၝှဂႜိပ္ေကတ္သာ္ဏအ္ရ၊ ေပဲါရုဲမာဲ အေခါင္သှကႜှဓဇက္ေသႝာ၀္ (Constituent Assembly) ပႛဲဂိတုေအပရၜ၊သႝာံ(၁၉၄၇)ဂွ္ေလ၀္ေဗာ္ဖဆပလဗုိလ္အံင္သာန္အာဍဳိပ္ဇႝးကႜဳင္မာဲတုဲရ၊သြဟ္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲအလန္၀ြံ၊ ဗုိလ္အံင္သာန္အာဍဳိပ္တုဲဂေကာံကမၼတီပါလုပ္(၁၁၀)တႜတအ္စဓဇက္ကႜဳင္ေသႝာ၀္မူအေျပာံရ၊ ႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ ၾကၜႏူသၸဒတန္ဂြံေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒသဇုိင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္မူအေျပာံေကုာံပၚပရအ္ပယ်ဳဪဒႝက္ဗႝတ္႓ုိတ္႓ါဂိတုေဍာတ္တ္တုဲဂွ္ ဗုိလ္အံင္သာန္ဒးဒုင္ကႜတ္ပန္ဂစုိတ္ေထာံရ၊

ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒေလ၀္ဟြံဒွ္ဒတန္၊ဗႜး႓းေလ၀္ဟြံဂြံဏီတုဲညးေတံဒးစုတိအာဂွ္သြက္အနာဂတ္ဍဳင္ဗၞာဒွ္အာပေဟဠိမြဲရ၊ညးေတံဟြံမြဲတုဲ ဥဴႏုတုိန္ေကတ္ဒႝာဲရ၊စပ္ကုဪအေခါင္အရာကံကုသုဪမန္ေကုာံေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တႝဟ္တအ္ညးတအ္ဂြံဖန္က္ေကတ္မာန္ဂွ္ဥဴႏုပဲါတးလ၀္ေပင္င္ရ၊ ဟုိတ္ဂွ္ရ၊ ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒဍဳင္မူအေျပာံဂွ္ ညံင္ေသၢာံဒွ္ဒတန္ဗြဲမျပဟ္ဂွ္ ဥဴႏုဗလးကုဪ ဥဴခ်ာန္ေထာန္ေကုာံတႜပညာေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒဗၞာလၞိဟ္မေအာန္ သကုဪကေလင္သၝှဂႜိပ္ေထာံညိညတုဲ သၸေထာံဒတန္ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ ေသပ္ေတန္ဗာ ၂၄၊၁၉၄၇ ဂွ္ရ၊ျခာဟြံလအ္ဍဳင္ဗၞာဂြံအာဗႜး႓း ဂိတုဂ်ာန္န၀ါရီ ၄၊၁၉၄၈ ဂွ္ရ၊လက္ကရၜဏအ္၊ ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္တီေကတ္ဒဒွ္ရ ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒဂွ္ဒွ္မံင္ေသႝာ၀္ေ၀ွတ္ဒရၜေဇတ္တ္ဟြံေသင္တုဲ ပေရင္ကလုိက္ကၞဳဪရပ္လြဟ္ဗဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္တအ္ဒွ္ကႜဳင္ရ၊ ဟုိတ္ႏူသပုန္ကၱဳဪဒွ္မံင္အလုံဍဳင္မြဲတုဲ ဥဴႏုကႛဳိပ္ဂိအာရ၊ လက္ကရၜအုိတ္ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ (၂၆၊၀၉၊၁၉၅၈)ဂွ္ ဥဴႏုေကာ္ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္တုဲ ကုဪသၸအလုဪအသှမင္သၝိမြဲအံင္ရ၊ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ဒုင္တဲတုဲ ယုဪသၥာနဒဒွ္၀န္ေဇႝာ္ ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ (၁၀၊၂၇၊၁၉၅၈)ရ၊ ေဗာ္ရပ္လြဟ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ေလ၀္ သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ျပဳိင္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲ လွာဲလြဟ္ကုဪဓရ္႓ုိဟ္လလံဂးတုဲ ဥဴႏုေကာ္ဘိက္အုိတ္ရ၊အခိင္ဂွ္ေဗာ္ပႜတရၜဍဳင္မန္ေလ၀္ပါအာကေရာံေဍံရ၊ ဂပ္၀္ေအာန္စုိတ္ေလာန္သန္၊

အလုဪအသှမင္သၝိ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္တအ္ မင္ဂြံသၝိမြဲအံင္ေဍာတ္တုဲ ေကႜာန္ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲ ပႛဲဂိတုေဖဖ၀္၀ါရီ၊သႝာံ ၁၉၆၀ ဂွ္တုဲေဗာ္ ဖဆပလ(သအးဇၝး) ဥဴႏုတအ္ ဇႝးအာမာဲပႜန္ရ၊ အ၀ုဪကၞိန္ဍဳင္ကေလင္စုိပ္အာတဲ ဥဴႏုတုဲဗက္ဂွ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ကေလင္အာတ္မိက္တုိန္ အေခါင္အရာေကာန္ဂကူတအ္ပႛဲဗြဳိင္ေသႝာ၀္ပႜန္ရ၊ ဥဴႏုကႛဳိပ္ကေလင္ဂိတုိန္မြဲ၀ါပႜန္ရ၊ ဥဴႏုဒွ္သၞိင္ အခိင္ဟြံ႓က္႓ါျဗဲ ရဲဒပ္ပႝာန္ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္တအ္ သှေကတ္ေထာံအ၀ုဪပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ (မာတ္ခ်္ ၂၊၁၉၆၂)ပႜန္ရ၊ဒပ္ပႝာန္သီအ၀ုဪတုဲဂွ္ ဗုိလ္အံင္ဂ်ီ ဟုီုကုဪမှဒှယာတအ္ ဟုိတ္ဂြံသီအ၀ုဪမၢး သြက္ဂြံစုဪဒႝာကၞိန္ဍဳင္ကေရာန္ထၠးတုဲပုဲ ိဒးသီအ၀ုဪေရာင္၊ အဓိပၸါယ္ေဍံနနဲမြဲလေစွ္ဂွ္ေတွ္၊ သြက္ဂြံစုဪဒႝာ ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္မခ်ှဒရာင္မံင္သြက္အေခါင္အရာကံကုသုဪညးတအ္ညးတအ္ဖန္က္ေကတ္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ကႜးမံင္ရ၊ အခိင္ဂွ္တုန္၊ တင္သှကႜှပၚပရအ္အ၀ုဪအေခါင္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္အၾကာဗၞာကုဪေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ကလိဂြံလ၀္တင္တုပ္စုိတ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္တုဲရ၊ ဗုီခ်ိင္ဂွ္ဟြံဒွ္ကႜဳင္၊ ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိက္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္ဒးစုိပ္အာ ခရုိင္သၝိစာတ္အုိတ္ရ၊ သြဟ္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲအလန္ဏအ္ဂွ္ကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္တအ္စုိပ္အာထံင္၊လၝဳဪဒးျဂိပ္ဒၜတိတ္ႏူဍဳင္အုိတ္ရ၊

ကံင္ျဇှပႜန္ဂတးဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္မအာဍဳိပ္တအ္ ဓဇက္တုိန္ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒသဇုိင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္ပႛဲသႝာံ ၁၉၇၄ ပႜန္ရ၊ ေသႝာ၀္ဂွ္စြံလ၀္တြဳဪရး(၇)တြဳဪရးသြက္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တုဲ ဂကူဗၞာဂွ္ ရပ္ေကတ္လ၀္ အ၀ုဪကၞိန္ဍဳင္ပိတန္မတြံဂး(၁)အ၀ုဪအုပ္ဓုပ္၊(၂) အ၀ုဪခႝံေသႝာ၀္၊(၃)အ၀ုဪစီေရင္ဂဗုတ္ ေပင္င္ရ၊ ႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ ေသႝာ၀္၀ြံ သြက္ဂကူမန္ပုဲ ိဂွ္ယ၀္ရ ႓တ္ကႝာတ္ ကုဪေသႝာ၀္ ၁၉၄၇ ဂွ္မၢး ပရဲတိတ္မံင္ညိဏီရ၊ ေသႝာ၀္ ၁၉၄၇ ဂွ္ ပၚကုဪလ၀္တြဳဪရးဍဳင္မန္ ဟြံမြဲသက္သက္ရ၊ ဒႝာဲဏအ္ ဒးတင္ဂုန္ကုဪဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ရ၊

ေပဲါရုဲမာဲသႝာံ ၁၉၉၀ မေကႜာန္ဗဒွ္ၾကၜႏူ ပႝာန္သီအ၀ုဪတုဲဂွ္တုန္၊ ေဗာ္ေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီ ႓ုိန္ရဇႝးအာမာဲတုဲကုီေလ၀္ အ၀ုဪကၞိန္ဍဳင္ဟြံစုိပ္ဇကုရ၊ ေဗာ္ေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီဂွ္ ကေမႜာန္ညးတအ္ဒးေကႜာန္ သြက္ဂြံပံက္အလုဪအသှဂွ္ ညးတအ္ဟြံပံက္ကႜဳင္တုဲ စႝးဂွ္ အာတ္မိက္အလုဪအသှ န၀တ ကုဪေကာ္ကုဪပါလီမာန္ရ၊ ေပဲါရုဲမာဲတုဲ အခိင္႓က္အာ (၆၀) တၝဲျပင္င္ဂွ္ ေဗာ္ေအန္ေအ၀္လ္ဒီတအ္ ဂၨအ္၀ိုင္ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ (၂ဂ၊၂၉၊ ဂိတု ဂ်ဴလာင္၊ ၁၉၉၀) ဒႝာဲ ေၟာံခန္ ဂါန္ဒီ၊ ဍဳင္လၢဳင္တုဲပၱိတ္လိက္လေလာင္ၾတး အာတ္မိက္ အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ န၀တ သြက္ဂြံပံက္ကုဪ၀ိုင္သှကႜှကလုတ္ထ၀္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ မပါလုပ္နကုဪတင္ ၁၂ တင္ရ၊ တင္အာတ္မိက္ဆုဪဂဗတက္က်ာကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္န၀တ သြက္ပေရင္ဆာန္ကၞိန္ေကာန္ဂကူေလ၀္ပါရ၊ သြက္ဂြံခ်ဴေသႝာ၀္၈ွ္တာလ်ဳိင္ပုဲ ိ႓ုိန္ရ ဟုီမံင္ကုီေလ၀္၊ ကေမႜာန္ေကာ္ကလုတ္ထ၀္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တုဲ ခ်ဴဓဇက္ေသႝာ၀္ ဥပေဒသဇုိင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္ဂွ္ ဟြံေကႜာန္တုဲ ဗက္အာတ္မိက္မံင္အလုဪအသီပႝာန္န၀တ သြက္ဂြံေကႜာန္ကုဪရ၊ တင္တအ္၀ြံ ဍဳိန္လ်ေကြံေကြံ၊ သြဟ္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲအလန္ဏအ္ေလ၀္ ဒးဒုင္ရပ္၊ ဒးျဂိပ္ဒၜတိတ္ ႏူဍဳင္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္ပႜန္ရ၊

သရုပ္ေထာံမၢး၊ ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒ ၁၉၄၇ ကႜာဟြံကလိဂြံဗႜး႓းဏီဂွ္ ခ်ဴလ၀္ေသႝာ၀္ ညံင္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ဂြံဒုင္တဲမာန္တုဲကာလကလိဂြံဗႜး႓းတုဲဂွ္ရံင္ကုဪဂုန္ဖုဪဂကူဗၞာသၞးဂႜဳိင္၊
ကေလင္ခ်ဴပေလ၀္ေထာံေသႝာ၀္ပႜန္၊ ေသႝာ၀္ဏအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္ေသႝာ၀္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ဒးတၝိန္လြဟ္ဗဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ရ၊
ေသႝာ၀္တုဲ သၸေပဲါရုဲမာဲသႝာံ ၁၉၆၀ ပႜန္ေလ၀္၊ အခိင္ရုဲမာဲဂွ္ အ၀ုဪပအပ္ကုဪလ၀္ ဒပ္ပႝာန္သြက္ဂြံဖန္ဇန္ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲပႜန္၊သြဟ္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲဂွ္ ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္လုပ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ပႛဲဗြဳိင္ေသႝာ၀္မၢး ဒပ္ပႝာန္သီအ၀ုဪ၊
ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒ ၁၉၇၄ ဂွ္ကံင္ျဇှပႜန္ဂတးဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ခ်ဴလ၀္ကုဪတုဲ ေပဲါရုဲမာဲသႝာံ ၁၉၉၀ ေလ၀္ အလုဪအသီပႝာန္ န၀တတအ္ေကႜာန္ကုဪလ၀္ပႜန္ရ၊

ေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒ မပလ၀္ဒတန္ သႝာံ ၂၀၀၈ ဏအ္ေလ၀္ မႝိဟ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ ရုဲစွ္လ၀္တအ္ခ်ဴလ၀္ကုဪတုဲ သႝာံ ၂၀၁၀ ဏအ္မၢးေကႜာန္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲေဏါင္ ဟုီကႜဳင္ပႜန္ရ၊ ေသႝာ၀္ဏအ္ဂွ္ပဲါတးလ၀္တင္အာတ္မိက္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ရဲရပ္လြဟ္ေကုာံရဲဟြံရပ္လြဟ္တအ္ေပင္င္တုဲ နကုဪဒပ္ပႝာန္ဗၞာဂွ္ေကတ္အာခုင္ ၂၅% သုီဟြံဒုင္ရုဲမာဲပုဟ္ ဂွ္ဟုီလ၀္ပုိတ္တ္ရ၊

ဟုီေထာံဍန္န္ေတွ္ ၊ ဗ်ဴဟာမဟာဗၞာတအ္ဂွ္ ေဂတ္မံင္ပႛဲသံသာမတြံဂးခ်ဴေသႝာ၀္၊သၸေပဲါရုဲမာဲ၊ဒပ္ပႝာန္သီအ၀ုဪ၊ေဟင္ရ၊ဟုိတ္ႏူသံသာေဂတ္မံင္သာ္ဏအ္တုဲကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဂွ္လုပ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ပႛဲဗြဳိင္ ေသႝာ၀္မၢး ဒးဒုင္ရပ္ေဖ်ံထံင္ပလံင္ဏါသၝိစာတ္အုိတ္တုဲ ဒးရုဲုကႜဳင္ဂႜံင္တ႐ၜရပ္လြဟ္အုိတ္ရ၊အခိင္ဂွ္၊ ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂကူစုင္တအ္ကုဪအလုဪအသီပႝာန္ဗၞာဂွ္ စမံက္ကႜဳင္ဗြဲမသၠာတ္ျမဟ္ ႏူသႝာံ ၁၉၆၂ ေတံတုဲ လုပ္ကႜဳင္နကုဪနဲ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္အုိတ္ရ၊ နနဲသာ္ဂွ္၊ သႝာံ ၈၈၈၈ ဂွ္ေလ၀္လုပ္ကႜဳင္နနဲ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္တုဲ ဆဂး၊ ၾကၜႏူ ဂွ္ ကြးဘာတအ္လၝဳဪရုဲကႜဳင္ဂႜံင္တရၜ ရပ္လြဟ္ရ၊

ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ရပ္လြဟ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဂွ္ ၾကၜႏူသႝာံ ၁၉၉၀ တုဲဂွ္ အာစုိပ္အာအခန္ေအဲျဇတုဲ ျပံင္လွာဲအာနဒဒွ္ ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ တက္က်ာသှကႜှလေဒါ၀္၀ုိင္၊လတူခုင္ရ၊ ႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ လၸာ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဂွ္ ဂန္ရပ္လ၀္မူ၀ါဒေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ဆီပၚဍာ္ေဇြာ၀္ဖုိဟ္တုဲ ပေရင္တက္က်ာ ေသာင္ကလးျပသႝာလတူခုင္ဂွ္ ပႛဲဂႜံင္တရၜထ႓းဗုီတိေဍံတအ္(၇)တင္ဂွ္ဟြံမြဲသက္သက္ရ၊ အစီဇန္ေဍံတအ္ဟြံမြဲေလ၀္ဟုီဂြံရ၊ေဗာ္ေဒံါလ၀္ပန္ေပွာ္တအ္ဂွ္ဒုင္ယွအ္မံင္မြဲလၸာ္ဓ၀္ေဟင္၊

ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ အရံင္သာ္ထ၀္(၀ါ)အသာ္ပၠၜဟဂါသႝာံ ၂၀၀၇ ဂွ္ ဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ခမှသင္တအ္အာဍဳိပ္တုဲ ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္အုိတ္ေရာင္ ဟုီဂြံရ၊ ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ဏအ္ေလ၀္ အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္စြံလ၀္စုိတ္ညံင္႐ၜ ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ရပ္လြဟ္ကုီတုဲလႝိန္ဗပိန္ကႜဳင္နကုဪလြဟ္၊နကုဪေလံဒုက္အုိတ္ပႜန္၊ ဟုိတ္ႏူသာ္ဂွ္တုဲ စုိတ္ဓါတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ျပံင္အာသြက္ဂြံလုပ္အာေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာနကုဪနဲမၾကာန္ဓမာန္သုိက္က္အိုတ္ရ။ ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္လုပ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္မၾကာန္ဓမာန္ဟုီဂွ္ ဂြံလုပ္အာနကုဪဗုီျပင္ဒပ္ပႝာန္နႏြံႏြံညံင္ရၜဒပ္ပႝာန္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္မႝဳံဂွ္ အကာဲအရာေအာန္မံင္ဏီ၊ ႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္တအ္၈ွ္ၾကက္ဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္မၾကာန္ဓ မာန္လၱဴဍဳင္လေဒါ၀္က်ာ္တုဲ အသိင္အလုိန္ေဍံၾကက္ကေညာတ္ကည၀္ဂႜဳိင္ႏူေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ပႛဲျဂိပ္ေဏါင္ေထင္ေကတ္ရ၊ သြက္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ေလ၀္၊ ၾကက္ဒွ္အာေရင္ဘပဠအ၀ုဪညးတအ္ေဇႝာ္ကုဪျဇဟတ္မာန္တုဲ အာစုိပ္အကာဲအရာရပ္စပ္၀ါတ္မြဲမာန္၇၊ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ဏအ္ ယ၀္ရဒပ္ပႝာန္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ဘုိင္ကုဪျဇဟတ္တုဲ ပံင္ဗစပ္ကုဪညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္မာန္မၢး ဒွ္အာေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ပံင္ပစပ္လတူဍဳင္တုဲ အကာဲအရာအံင္ဇႝးႏြံရ၊

အခိင္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ရုဲစွ္မံင္ဂႜံင္တ႐ၜေပဲါဗၱဳိက္မၾကာန္ဓမာန္ဂွ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ရုဲစွ္ေကတ္ဂႜံင္တရၜေပဲါဗၱဳိက္နဲ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္ဂွ္ဒွ္ဟြံေထက္၊ အခိင္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ေကုာံခမှသင္တအ္ရုဲစွ္မံင္ဂႜံင္တရၜဗကပ္ဗေဗင္ကုဪေပဲါရုဲမာဲ၊ ဟြံသၸစၞတ္သမၱီကုဪေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒေကုာံေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂွ္ေဗာ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ ထံက္ဂလာန္တုဲလုပ္ျပဳိင္ေပဲါရုဲမာဲဂွ္ေလ၀္ ဒွ္ဟြံေထက္၊အခိင္ဏအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္အခိင္ဒးနိမိတ္ဗဒွ္ပတုိန္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္လၱဴဍဳင္ပႛဲကြာန္နကုဪနဲ႓တ္တ္ၾကံင္င္တုဲေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္မကၱဳဪဒွ္မံင္အလုဪလုဪေဍံဂွ္ေလ၀္ ဒးေကတ္အေခါင္ေလပ္၊ဒးကုဪျဇဟတ္ေလပ္ေဏါင္၊

ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္အခိင္တၝဲဏအ္ဂွ္ဒးဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္သြက္ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာအုိႆုီေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္အုိႆုီေရာင္၊ ညံင္ေသၢာံဒွ္သာ္ဂွ္မာန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲ လလုဲေသွ္လက္ကရၜဂွ္ ပုဲ ိတအ္တဲျပဟ္ ဇုိင္ျပဟ္ဒးဒွ္ေရာင္။

မာံကာန္စီ

ၾသန္ရုီဗင္ ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာေကႜံအာဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္၊ယူေအန္ဟုီ

2008-07-25T15:22:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
ၾသန္ရုီဗင္ ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာေကႜံအာဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္၊ယူေအန္ဟုီ

ဟုိတ္္ႏူေသႝာတ္၀္လွာဲၾသန္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာတုဲ ၾသန္ရုီဗင္သြက္ညးမဒးဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္တအ္ေကႜံအာဗႝတ္႓ုိတ္ ၂၅ ဍဳိပ္ကႜံေရာင္ဂွ္ သႝာဲဒၜကုလသမဂၢဟုီပတိတ္ပႛဲတၝဲသုိက္ဂွ္ရ၊

သြက္ဂြံထံက္ပင္ၾသန္ရုီဗင္ကုညးမဒးဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ဂိတုေမ ၂၊၃ လၞိဟ္မႝိဟ္မဒးခ်ဳိတ္အာဗႝတ္႓ုိတ္ ၈၄၅၃၇ ဂွ္ ညးတႜဒါန္တအ္ဟုိတ္ႏူစုိတ္ေယာင္မံင္တုဲတုဲဂွ္ရ စပ္ကုဪၾသန္ေကႜံအာဂွ္တုဲ ညးဒွ္ဓ၀ိင္တၜဗြဲမေလာန္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ ဒါန္ ဗိတ္ကာ Dan Baker မဒွ္ညးပံင္ဗစပ္ကုဪပေရင္ရုီဗင္မႝိဟ္ဂေကာံကုလသမဂၢ ဟီုတၜရ၊

ဣဏအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္ျပသႝာေဇႝာ္ကုဪျဇဟတ္ရ၊ဣဏအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္ဓ၀ိင္ေဇႝာ္ကုဪျဇဟတ္ရ၊ယ၀္ရညးတႜဒါန္တအ္တီၾသန္ေကႜံမံင္ဗုီဏအ္မၢးညးတအ္ဟြံဆက္ကုဪၾသန္ကုပဲု ိရ၊ျပသႝာဏအ္ပုဲ ိဗလးလ၀္အတိုင္ဏအ္ဟြံဂြံပုဟ္၊ သာ္၀ြံ ဗိတ္ကာဆက္ဟုီရ၊

အလုဪအသှဗၞာတအ္ သကုဪလွာဲၾသန္အတုိင္ငၝဳဟ္ေဍံတအ္ေဖ်ံလ၀္နကုဪၾသန္ FEC ကႜာတုဲ သကုဪဆက္လွာဲအာကုဪၾသန္က်ာတ္မသုင္ေစာဲမံင္ပႛဲဍဳင္ရ၊ ငၝဳဟ္ FEC ေဍံတအ္ေဖ်ံလ၀္ဂွ္ေအာန္ႏူကုဪငၝဳဟ္ဖ်ာမၝးေကာ္မံင္ဗႝတ္႓ုိတ္ ၂၅ ဍဳိပ္ကႜံေရာင္၊

ေလာန္ကႜဳင္တၝဲသုိက္ဂွ္မၢး၊ ငၝဳဟ္ၾသန္ FEC ေဍံတအ္ေဖ်ံလ၀္ဂွ္ မြဲဒ၀္ဠာေတွ္ ဂတုမ္မံင္ ၉၀၀ က်ာတ္၊ အခိင္ဂွ္ ငၝဳဟ္မၝးေကာ္မံင္ဂွ္ မြဲဒ၀္ဠာေတွ္ ၁၁၇၅ က်ာတ္ ရ၊

ေသႝာတ္၀္လွာဲၾသန္ FEC ဍဳင္ဗၞာဂွ္ အလုဪအသှဗၞာတအ္ေဖ်ံကႜဳင္လ၀္ ႏူသႝာံ ၁၉၉၃ ေတံရ၊ ရန္တၞံကုဪ ေသၢာံဗတုိက္သရုိဟ္ေကႜံ ဗႝိက္ဖ်ာအသာ္လမၥံက္ (Black Market)ေကုာံေသၢာံေကတ္ပရဲၾသန္ဒ၀္ဠာရဲေဂတ္ေ၀င္အာကႜဳင္ပႛဲဍဳင္ရ၊ ႓ုိတ္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ဟုိတ္ႏူငၝဳဟ္အလုဪအသှေဖ်ံလ၀္ဂွ္သ၀္မံင္႓ုိတ္ ၆ က်ာတ္တုဲ ဗႝိက္ဖ်ာအသာ္လမၥံက္ဂွ္ ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဆက္တုဲစကာအာမံင္ဖုိဟ္ရ၊

စပ္ကုဪကိစၥဏအ္ဂွ္ ယူေအန္ ပတုိန္ထ႓းကုဪအလုဪအသှဗၞာတုဲ သြက္ဂြံပလုီပဲါကုဪၾသန္ FEC ဂွ္ ကယ်ာန္စးကႜဳင္ရ၊ သာ္၀ြံ ဗိတ္ကာ ဟုီတၜရ၊

ပေရင္ကုဪျဇဟတ္ဓရုိဟ္သြက္ေသၢာံ ပလုီကုဪ ၾသန္ FEC ဂွ္ မံက္ကႜဳင္ ၾကၜႏူယူေအန္ ကေရပ္မံင္ဍဳင္ဂမႜဳိင္ သြက္ဂြံကုဪဒါန္ရုီဗင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ လၞိဟ္ၾသန္ဒ၀္ဠာ ၂၉၀ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္ရ၊

ယူေအန္အာတ္လ၀္ၾသန္လၞိဟ္ ၂၀၁ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္ဂွ္ လၞဳဟ္ဒုင္ဒါန္ဂြံလ၀္ၾသန္ လၞိဟ္ ၁၉၁ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္တုဲရ၊ ၾသန္အာတ္မိက္လ၀္ ၂၉၀ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္ဂွ္ ယွအ္ေဖ်ံလ၀္ ၁၀ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္တုဲ လၞဳဟ္မၢး သြက္ဌာနယူေအန္ ၁၃ ဌာနေကုာံ သြက္ဂေကာံ ဟြံေသင္ကုဪအလုဪအသှ ၂၃ ဂေကာံတအ္ ဂြံဆက္ေကႜာန္ကေမႜာန္ဂွ္ထပ္ႏြံပၞိက္မံင္ကုဪၾသန္ လၞိဟ္ ၂၈၀ ျပေကာ႗ိကုိ႗္ဏီရ၊

ၾသန္တအ္ဂွ္ သြက္ေသၢာံရုီဗင္ ညးမဒးဘဲကပ္ က်ာမီလံင္လၞိဟ္ ၂၄ ကုိ႗္ (2. 4 millions) မဒွ္ရ၊ ကေမႜာန္ရုီဗင္လၞိဟ္ ၁၀၀ ဂကူ ေဖ်ံလ၀္ သြက္ဂြံပလံင္ စႝအာဟာရ၊ဒႝာဲဇူဒုီ၊ ဍာ္သုင္၊ကေပါတ္သုင္ေစာဲခႏၶကာယ၊ပေရင္ပညာေကုာံ တင္ႏြံပၞိက္တႝဟ္ဟ္သာ္တအ္ရ။

UN says much of Myanmar cyclone aid is lost

By MICHAEL CASEY, Associated Press WriterFri Jul 25, 11:37 AM ET

As much as 25 percent of cyclone relief aid in Myanmar is being lost because of the military government's foreign exchange system, a United Nations official said Friday.

Dan Baker, the U.N. humanitarian coordinator for Myanmar, said he is concerned that the losses could upset donors who have already shown a reluctance to fund the relief

effort following the May 2-3 cyclone that killed 84,537 people, according to the government.

"This is a big issue. This is a big concern," Baker said. "The donors aren't going to give us money if they know they will (lose) a percentage of that. This is not an issue we can

let go by."

Myanmar requires that foreign aid money be converted first into Foreign Exchange Certificates at a set price and then into the country's national currency, the kyat. The

certificates have been worth as much as 25 percent less than the market value of an equivalent number of dollars.

On Friday, a certificate costing $1 was worth 900 kyat while $1 on the open market fetched 1,175 kyat.

The certificates were introduced by the military junta in 1993 to counter a thriving black market and take advantage of a rise in tourism dollars coming into the country. But the

black market has remained popular for most citizens because the official exchange rate remains artificially low at about 6 kyat to the dollar.

Baker said the U.N. has taken up the issue with Myanmar authorities and has argued for the elimination of the certificates.

The push to abandon the certificates comes as the U.N. is pressing nations to donate another $290 million for the Myanmar relief effort.

The U.N. has raised about $191 million so far following an initial appeal for $201 million in aid. On top of the $10 million shortfall, it says it needs $280 million in additional

money for the work of 13 U.N. agencies and 23 non-governmental organizations.

The money is intended to help the 2.4 million survivors who the U.N. says have been seriously affected by the cyclone. More than 100 projects are planned to deliver food,

shelter, clean drinking water, sanitation, education and other needs.

အမာတ္အေမရိကာန္ စုတ္ေစာဲ လတူကတိပါင္အလုဪအသှၾကဳက္

2008-07-24T00:21:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

အမာတ္အေမရိကာန္ စုတ္ေစာဲ လတူကတိပါင္အလုဪအသှၾကဳက္ ကုဪလ၀္သြက္ဂြံေရွ္ေသွ္အေခါင္အရာမႝိဟ္လုီလာ္အာ

US lawmakers accuse China of reneging on Olympic promises

Jul 23 02:34 PM US/Eastern

US lawmakers Wednesday accused China of reneging on a commitment to improve human rights when it won the right to host the Olympics, saying it had instead intensified a crackdown on dissent.

"There were early indications that China was prepared to improve its behavior as the games approached," said Howard Berman, the Democratic head of the House of Representatives foreign affairs panel.

But "the hope was short-lived, as China failed to honor these commitments," he said, citing as examples Beijing's "failed" pledges to allow greater press freedoms and improve its general human rights situation.

Reporters Without Borders announced in its annual report on China that in 2007 the government "did everything possible to prevent the liberal press, Internet users and dissidents from expressing themselves."

A recent poll by the Foreign Correspondents' Club of China found that 67 percent of foreign journalists felt China was not keeping its promise to allow freedom of reporting, Berman said.

He also cited China's deadly crackdown on protests in March and the arrest in December of Hu Jia, a leading fighter for human rights, health care and the environment, and questioned China's "ardent" support for governments in Sudan and Myanmar despite their rights records.

Beijing's support for Robert Mugabe's hardline regime in Zimbabwe was also raised, especially its veto of a UN Security Council resolution that would have imposed an arms embargo on Zimbabwe and travel and financial restrictions on the leader and other senior officials.

The House foreign affairs committee is scheduled to discuss a resolution Thursday on China's human right record in the run up to the Olympics.

The resolution wants Beijing "to immediately end its abuses of the human rights of China's citizens, including its Tibetan, Uighur, and other ethnic minority citizens and to end its support for the governments of Sudan and Burma (Myanmar) to ensure that the Olympic games take place in an atmosphere that honors the Olympic traditions of freedom and openness."

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the ranking Republican member in the House foreign affairs panel, said Beijing had "intensified its brutal crackdown on political dissidents and activists.

"One would wish that the motto of this year's Olympics, 'one world, one dream,' could ring true," she said. "Unfortunately, when it comes to the pursuit of democratic values and human rights, we remain a world divided with a dream unfulfilled."

Ahead of the games, Ros-Lehtinen claimed Beijing had initiated "broad and sweeping measures to silence internal criticism," allegedly detaining hundreds of practitioners of the Falun Gong spiritual sect and members of other organized movements.

"The number of reported raids and summary executions continues to rise, and the regime has even taken violent measures to discourage North Korean refugees from seeking asylum in China," she said.

Copyright AFP 2008, AFP stories and photos shall not be published, broadcast, rewritten for broadcast or publication or redistributed directly or indirectly in any medium

ဍဳိပ္ရာဇာ၀တ္ပႝာန္ မႝဳံယၞဳ ရာဒုဪ၀ါန္ ကာရာဒ္ေျဇက္ Radovan Karadzic ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ ပႛဲဍဳင္သာပ္ဗီယ်ာ ဣယ်

2008-07-22T00:29:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဍဳိပ္ရာဇာ၀တ္ပႝာန္ မႝဳံယၞဳ ရာဒုဪ၀ါန္ ကာရာဒ္ေျဇက္ Radovan Karadzic ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ ပႛဲဍဳင္သာပ္ဗီယ်ာ ဣယ်

Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic arrested in Serbia

BELGRADE, Serbia: Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, accused architect of war crimes including Europe's worst massacre since World War II, was arrested after more than a decade on the run, the country's president and the U.N. tribunal for the former Yugoslavia said.

Charged with organizing the deadly siege of Sarajevo and the 1995 massacre of up to 8,000 Muslims in Srebrenica, Karadzic topped the tribunal's most-wanted list for more than a decade.

The tribunal described him as the suspected mastermind of "scenes from hell, written on the darkest pages of human history." Prosecutors suspected he eluded the manhunt with the help of Bosnian Serb nationalists and a string of elaborate disguises.

"This is a very important day for the victims who have waited for this arrest for over a decade," the tribunal's head prosecutor, Serge Brammertz, said. "It clearly demonstrates that nobody is beyond the reach of the law and that sooner or later all fugitives will be brought to justice."

Serbian President Boris Tadic's office said Karadzic, 63, was arrested Monday evening "in an action by the Serbian security services" and taken before the investigative judge of Serbia's war crimes court, indicating imminent extradition to the U.N. war crimes court in The Hague, Netherlands.

A Serbian police source, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not allowed to speak to the media, said Karadzic was arrested in a Belgrade suburb after a tip from a foreign intelligence service and weeks of surveillance of his safe house.

Sveta Vujacic, Karadzic's lawyer, said the fugitive had been arrested on a public bus around 9:30 a.m. on Friday and held until he was brought to the court Monday.

"He just said that these people showed him a police badge and than he was taken to some place and kept in the room. And that is absolutely against the law what they did," Vujacic told AP Television News. "The judge also said that he will look into this matter, who and why kept him for three days."

Investigative judge Milan Dilparic said early Tuesday that that he had questioned Karadzic — the first step in an process that includes presenting him with the indictment and allowing three days for him to appeal any decision to hand him to the Hague court.

Heavily armed special forces of the Serbian Gendarmerie were deployed around the war-crimes court in Belgrade — apparently fearing a backlash from nationalists who consider Karadzic their war hero.

"He did not surrender, that is not his style," his brother Luka Karadzic said outside the court.

Dozens of Karadzic supporters gathered near the building chanting "Karadzic Hero!" and "Tadic Traitor!" Several were arrested after attacking reporters in front of the courthouse.

Other officers took up positions throughout central Belgrade and in front of the U.S. embassy, which was targeted in nationalist rioting over Kosovo's declaration of independence in February.

In the Bosnian capital of Sarajevo — besieged throughout the war by Bosnian Serb nationalists — streets were jammed late Monday as Bosnian Muslims celebrated the arrest.

Operating from strongholds in Pale and Vraca high above the city, the Serbs starved, sniped and bombarded the center of Sarajevo, controlling nearly all roads into and out. Inhabitants were kept alive only by a thin lifeline of food aid and supplies provided by UN donors and peacekeepers, and risked their lives merely walking down the street, shopping in a market or driving on one of the main roads, which became known as "Sniper Alley."

The siege, which began in April 1992, was not officially lifted until February 1996, after NATO intervention and the implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords. During that time, an estimated 10,000 people had died in and around the city.

The international tribunal indicted Karadzic on genocide charges in 1995. The psychiatrist and self-styled poet turned hard-line Serbian nationalist still wielded power among Bosnian Serbs from the shadows and occasionally appeared in public before he went on the run in 1998.

Serbia has been under heavy pressure from the European Union to turn over suspects but Karadzic's arrest came as a surprise to many. His whereabouts had been a mystery to U.N. prosecutors, unlike those of his wartime military commander, Gen. Ratko Mladic, who had last been spotted living in Belgrade in 2005 and remains at large.

However, nationalists lost power in Serbia when a new pro-Western government took over last month and removed the nationalist official who held the office of secret police chief, the official formally in charge of arresting war crimes suspects.

"It is clear that those changes led to Karadzic's arrest," prominent Serbian human rights activist Natasa Kandic said.

Richard Holbrooke, the U.S. diplomat who brokered the Dayton deal ending the war, said Karadzic was responsible for the deaths of 300,000 people and his arrest marked "a historic day."

"A man who has been on the run for 12 years, who NATO should have captured, has been captured and by the Serb government themselves," Holbrooke told CNN. "This guy was a kind of a Robin Hood to the Bosnian Serbs, evading capture for 12 years, fomenting dissent. His removal from the scene will help enormously to create stability."

On July 11, tens of thousands of people commemorated the 13th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre, which saw Serb troops led by Mladic overrun an enclave supposedly protected by outnumbered U.N. troops. Mladic's troops rounded up the entire population and took the men away for execution.

"There is no better tribute to the victims of the war's atrocities than bringing their perpetrators to justice," the White House said.

Munira Subasic, a mother who lost two sons in the Srebrenica massacre, was overcome with emotion as she watched the news on television.

"After 13 years, we finally reached the moment of truth," she told AP Television News. If Karadzic is extradited to the tribunal in The Hague, he would be the 44th Serb suspect sent there. The others include former President Slobodan Milosevic, who was ousted in 2000 and died in 2006 while on trial on war crimes charges.

A statement from the EU presidency, currently held by France, called the arrest "an important step on the path to the rapprochement of Serbia with the European Union."

"The new government in Belgrade stands for a new Serbia, for a new quality of relations with the EU," EU foreign affairs chief Javier Solana said.

Born in Savnik, Yugoslavia, in what is now the Republic of Montenegro, Karadzic became a founding member of the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1990. Two years later, he was elected president of the three-person presidency of the Serbian republic in Bosnia, which had just been freshly recognized as an independent state by the United Nations.

He became sole president of the Serb Republic in Bosnia that year, remaining in that position until 1996 and also serving as supreme commander of the armed forces.

As leader of Bosnia's Serbs, Karadzic hobnobbed with international negotiators and his interviews were top news items during the 3 1/2-year Bosnian war, set off when a government dominated by Slavic Muslims and Croats declared independence from Yugoslavia in 1992.

His indictment alleges that he, acting together with others, committed the crimes to secure control of areas of Bosnia which had been proclaimed part of the "Serbian Republic" and significantly reducing its non-Serb population.

His life changed by the time the war ended in late 1995 with an estimated 250,000 people dead and another 1.8 million driven from their homes. He was indicted twice by the U.N. tribunal on genocide charges stemming from his alleged crimes against Bosnia's Muslims and Croats.

Karadzic's reported hide-outs included Serbian Orthodox monasteries and refurbished mountain caves in remote eastern Bosnia. Some newspaper reports said he had at times disguised himself as a priest by shaving off his trademark silver mane and donning a brown cassock. Others said he wore women's wigs.

His wife, Ljiljana, told The Associated Press by phone from her home in Karadzic's former stronghold, Pale, near Sarajevo that her daughter Sonja had called her before midnight.

"As the phone rang, I knew something was wrong. I'm shocked. Confused. At least now, we know he is alive," Ljiljana Karadzic said, declining further comment.

Under the U.N. indictment, last amended in May 2000, the U.N. war crimes tribunal charged Karadzic with 15 counts of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and other atrocities committed between 1992 to 1996.

It would almost certainly take many months for Karadzic to stand trial due to the complexity of his case, expected legal wrangling and a packed docket.

In the past, the court has sometimes released suspects under strict conditions to await trial in their home country. However there is virtually no chance that will happen in Karadzic's case.

___

Associated Press Writer Jovana Gec contributed to this report.

ေခါက္ဂ်ိ

2008-07-20T22:07:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ေခါက္ဂ်ိ

ေခါက္ေတၞင္မြဲမ၊ဘ၀အဲတီလ၀္၊
စုတ္အရက္တုဲသုင္မၢး ဗ႟ဴဓလူအုိတ္ဇှ၀၊
စုတ္ဍာ္တာတုဲသုင္မၢးေလ၀္ ဗ႟ဴဓလူအုိတ္ဇှ၀၊
စုတ္ဍာ္ကၞဳဟ္တုဲသုင္မၢး
ဣဏအ္ေလ၀္ ...ဗ႟ဴဓလူအုိတ္ဇှ၀၊
ေခါက္ဏအ္မြဲမ၊ နာမဗုီလုဪေရာ..။

ထင္ဍာ္တုဲအာတ္သုင္၊ ဒုင္ကုဪေခါက္ဏအ္မၢး
ဒးစုိတ္တုဲပႜံင္ဏါ၊ စုိပ္အာတဲဇကုမၢး
ဟြံအာတ္ဟြံပႜံင္၊ မံင္ယုဪယုဪတုဲစုိပ္ကႜဳင္မၢး
ဗုီဏအ္ေလ၀္...ဗ႟ဴဓလူအုိတ္ဇှ၀ဖအုိတ္ရ...။

မုဍာ္မြဲစုတ္စုတ္၊ ပႜဳတ္ေစွ္ပႛဲေခါက္ဂွ္မၢး ဒွ္ဂ်ိ၊
အာတ္ေကတ္၊ပႜံင္ေကတ္၊စုိပ္ကႜဳင္ေကတ္တ္၊ ေ႓တ္စုိပ္အာဗုီလုဪေလ၀္ ဒွ္ဂ်ိ၊
စိေစာန္ေလာန္သန္၊ တန္ဒွ္ေခါက္ဂ်ိ၊
အဲညိဟြံေဗႜတ္၊ အဲတီေကတ္ခ်ဳိတ္ပႜဳိတ္ရ...။

မာံကာန္စှ

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္

2008-07-18T00:05:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္

(မာံကာန္စီ)

အကာဲအရာဍဳင္ဗၞာဂံါစိုပ္ကႜဳင္မံင္ကဆံင္ဆီပၚဍာ္ေဇြာ၀္လေဒါ၀္ဍဳင္လၱဴက်ာ္ပႛဲသႝာံကြာ္စုိပ္(၈၈၈၈)ပန္မေပင္(၂၀)သႝာံဏအ္ဂွ္
တမ္ရုိဟ္ေဍံကႜဳတ္ကႜဳင္ႏူလုဪ၊ဟုိတ္ဖုဪေဍံသာ္လုဪတုဲဒွ္ကႜဳင္ေရာဂွ္ပုဦေထက္ဒးကုဪသၝှဂႜိပ္ဇြိတ္သေပါတ္နသဘၜဓရ္ေစွ္ေစွ္ေထက္ရ။
ညံင္ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဂြံလုပ္အာေပဲါဗတုိက္နကုဪနဲကဲမၾကာန္ဓမာန္၊ရပ္လြဟ္ကပွ္ျမ၊တၝိန္တၝကမာဲျဇဳင္တုဲဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂြံ
စုိပ္အာကဆံင္သံင္ျဗံင္ဟြံမြဲကုဪဍဳိပ္ဍဳက္၊သၞိင္တႜအုပ္ဓုပ္ဂွ္ညံင္ေသၢာံဒွ္ဟုိတ္မခုိင္ကႜဳိက္မြဲသြက္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ဂြံဆက္
ေကမ္ဇ်ာပ္အာအ၀ုဪ၊ဂြံဆက္ဓလုဪအာမာန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာတအ္ဓရုိဟ္ဏါမံင္ဂႜံင္ဂွ္ဟာဂွ္ေလ၀္ညးမသၝှဂႜိပ္ပေရင္
ဍဳင္ကြာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာတအ္လၝဳဪဟုီဂးပၚပဲါမံင္အုိတ္ရ။

မုဟုိတ္သာ္လုဪမြဲဒွ္ဒွ္ရ၊ၾကၜႏူပေရင္ပႜန္ဂတးအရံင္သာ္ထ၀္ဍာ္မိတ္(၀ါ)အသာ္ပၠၜဟဂါခမှသင္အလုံဍဳင္ဗၞာေကုာံကြးဘာညးဍဳင္
ကြာန္တအ္က်ဟုံျဗဳီအာတုဲလတူအလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္လုေလာန္လ၀္ဒုဟ္ဂစုိတ္ဂယ်ဳိင္လ၀္ခမှသင္ေကုာံေကာန္ညးဍဳင္
ကြာန္တအ္ဂွ္႓ုိန္ရဍဳိက္ေပင္ကုဪသက္သာဓကသြက္ဂြံေကတ္အေရ၀္ကုီေလ၀္ဍဳင္နာနာမဒုင္ယၞဳဍဳင္မင္မြဲေယန္သႝာင္ဒီမ၀္က
ေရျဇှတအ္ကုီ၊ဂေကာံနာနာမဒုင္ယၞဳဂေကာံမင္မြဲဂုီကႜဳီဂႜးက၀္ကုီ၊ဗြဲေတၞင္ဂေကာံကုလသမဂၢကုီဂွ္ပဲါႏူဟုီပတိတ္မအေရ၀္မဂး
ပဦုဒွ္ဓ၀ိင္ဗြဲမေလာန္၊ပုဦကႛဳဟ္ေမႜံဇအုိတ္ဇရလတူျပ၀အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာ၊ေကုာံကေမႜာန္နဇုိင္နတဲမပၱံကၞာတ္လဒုဪပ
ေရင္ပုိန္ျဂပ္ညိညတုဲမုေလ၀္ေကႜာန္ကုဪဟြံမာန္ကႜဳင္ရ။
.
လၱဴဏအ္ဂွ္ရဲဒစုဪဒစးကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္လၝဳဪဂွ္ေထဲေပႝာတ္တၜကုဪဍဳင္တအ္ဂွ္တအ္ဂွ္၊ဂေကာံတအ္ဂွ္တအ္ဂွ္ဗြဲမေလာန္တုဲဗြဲ
မဂႜဳိင္ဂွ္ဒွ္ဂႜဳိက္ေသၝာံစုိတ္တုဲေဟာံျဇ၊စုိတ္ဓါတ္ေစွ္တၜအုိတ္ရ။တႜပညာဗၞာတအ္လၝဳဪညံင္ရၜ(လူထုဦးစိန္၀င္း)တအ္ဂွ္စုိတ္အုိတ္ကုဪ
ပေရင္ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ပအပ္လ၀္ဓရ္ပေတွ္ကုဪအရုီဗင္ဍဳင္မၝးတအ္လုပ္ရုီဍဳင္ဗၞာတုဲညးဟုီပၱိတ္နင္ဂလာန္ဗကန္အ
ၾကာယဲဘဲမဍဳဪဍဳိက္လ၀္ခႏၶကာယညးမၢးျဇဟတ္ေဇႝာ္ႏူျဇဟတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္(PeoplePower)ဂွ္အလုဪအာဂႜာဲအလုဪဏီ
ေရာ၊ျဇဟတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္အဲဂွ္အဲေပၱဟ္တၜေပင္င္ရ၊မပၱံသာ္၀ြံရဲဒစုဪဒစးကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္တီကႜးကႜဳင္လၱဴ
တာလ်ဳိင္ဇကုသြက္ဍဳင္ဇကုေကုာံတာလ်ဳိင္ညးသအာင္သြက္ဍဳင္ဇကုအုိတ္ရ။
.
ဟုိတ္ႏူအကာဲအရာသာ္ဂွ္တုဲညးဍဳင္ကြာန္မဒစုဪဒစးကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္အပႛဲဍဳင္ကုီသုီကုဪရဲဒစုဪဒစးလၸာ္မၝးတအ္ဂွ္ဟအံင္အာ၊
ေဒင္အာမြဲအံင္တုဲမုေသၢာံဆက္ေကႜာန္ေရာဂွ္မတ္ဂႜဳမံင္အုိတ္ရ၊အခိင္ဂွ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ထပုိတ္စုတ္ေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္
ကြာန္တုဲရဲဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ဂြံအာကေမႜာန္တၞိမြဲပႜန္တုဲၾကပ္ဖအိုတ္ဂွ္ဍံင္ဗက္အာလက္ကရၜ(Refrendum)ေဍံရ၊ပေရင္တက္
က်ာကုဪမဂှသုက်ှအာဂြံက၀က္က၀ုဲဂွ္ေလ၀္ေဍံေဒံါေထာံတုဲပေရင္ေသၢာံေကတ္အေရ၀္ပတုိန္ဂဗုတ္စုတ္ဂလာန္ကုဪရုင္ေသႝာ၀္
ဂႜးက၀္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ေဒံါအာက၀က္တရၜရ၊မႝိဟ္သၸမံင္ေဒင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာေမႆတာဂါမ္ဘာရှေလ၀္တိက္သႜိင္အာမြဲအံင္ရ၊အၾကာက၀က္
ၾတၜပႜန္ဂွ္လပုိတ္က်ာမှလံင္ဏာေဂတ္ေ႓တ္လုပ္ပႜန္တုဲထုဲလၱဴထုဲရုဲေကႜာန္ဗက္ဟြံဒးအုိတ္ရ၊ပေရင္ဗုင္ဂႝၜဂွ္ဒွ္မံင္အဓိကတုဲညံင္
ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဒးဘဲကပ္တအ္ဂြံကလိဂြံအာပုင္မြဲလၞံက္ဍာ္မြဲျဗံက္ဂွ္ဒွ္အာတာလ်ဳိင္အလုံဍဳင္မြဲရ၊႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္လၸာ္အလုဪ
အသှပႝာန္ဂွ္ကေမႜာန္ေဍံေဍံဟြံ၀ိုတ္တုဲေဍံဆက္ေကႜာန္အာေပဲါဒုုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဟေရဟြံလုီ၊ဗုီဟြံျပံင္ရ။
.
ေပဲါဒုင္ဆႏၵညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ဒးအာအလီပႜန္တုဲလႝီေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္အာယဲစိတၱဇအုိတ္ရ၊အလန္ဏအ္မၢးရ
မ်ာင္သြက္လုပ္အာေပဲါဗတုိက္ကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္နကုဪနဲကဲမၾကာန္ဓမာန္ဂွ္ညးညးအဲအဲဟုီဂးကႜဳင္တုဲစျဗဳထတ္ကႜဳင္ရ၊အလုဪ
ဇကုမႝိဟ္ထံင္ပရုိင္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ေၾတံဗုိလ္အံင္ေလန္ေထာတ္ဟုီပတိတ္မၢးကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ဂွ္ဒုက္ကုဪ
ေလံမွဂိေလပ္ေဏါင္၊မြဲဒျမိပ္ဓ၀္ေဟင္၊ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ(၁)ဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္ဂွ္မဟတုိဟ္(ဗုမ္)ဟတုိဟ္အာပႛဲရုင္က်ေဖာတ္မႝဳံယွဳဦျပှတာ၊
ဍဳင္လဂုင္ဂွ္႓ုိန္ရကုဪဏါဒဒုိက္ကုဪလ်ဳီမႝိဟ္ဟြံမြဲ၊ပလုီပလာ္ဏါဟြံဂႜဳိင္ကုီေလ၀္ရမ်ာင္တက္တဲညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ျဗဳထတ္တၜဗြဲမ
ေလာန္ရ၊တႜပညာတအ္လၝဳဪပႜန္ဂြိင္ကုဪဍဳင္တုဲေယန္သႝာင္မဍိဳန္ေဍာတ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာမဒးဂႝပ္ကုဪဓရ္႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္ဂွ္ညံင္ေသၢာံဒွ္
အာေယန္သႝာင္မၾကာန္ဓမာန္မြဲအလုဪအသှပႝာန္နအဖတအ္ဖန္ဗဒွ္မံင္ေရာင္ဂွ္ညးတအ္ဗ်ိေဒါန္အိုတ္ရ၊ရမ်ာင္ဗုမ္ဟတုိဟ္
လက္ကရၜဏအ္ဂွ္ဟုိတ္ႏူဒွ္မံင္ပႛဲရုင္က်ေဖာတ္တုဲပေရင္ေသၢာံဆက္လုပ္အာေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ကုဪအလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဂွ္ညံင္ရၜဒွ္မံင္ဂႜံင္
တရၜမဍာံျပမြဲတုဲဂေကာံဒစုဪဒစးတအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္သှကႜှဟုီဂးမံင္အုိတ္တုဲဒွ္မံင္ပေဟဠိမြဲစုဪကုဪလၞဳဟ္ဏီရ၊
.
စပ္ကုဪကိစၥေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဒဒုင္ဍဳဪဍဳိက္မံင္ဓဇန္ဓဇန္တဲုအခိင္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ဒးလုပ္ေပဲါဗတုိက္ကုဪအလုဪအသှ
ပႝာန္နကုဪလြဟ္ဂွ္ကိတ္ညီကုဪေဒၢတ္၀တ္မႝိဟ္တုဲဒွ္ဗဗြဲဓရ္ညိဟာဂွ္ အၥာလိက္ပရုိင္ Bangkok Post တအ္သၞာန္လ၀္ပါေမာကၡ
ဘာတကၠသုိလ္ေမႆခ်ဴေသက္မႝဳံယၞဳ Mr. Avram Noam Chomsky မႏြံအာယုက္(၈၀) သႝာံမဒွ္တႜပညာဒယွ္တွ္စပ္ကုဪ
ပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ဂျမင္လညာတ္၊ဘာသာေဗဒေကုာံအၥာခ်ဴလိက္ ဂွ္တုဲ ညးသြဟ္ဏါသာ္ဏအ္ရ၊ ယ၀္ရဒးဟုီနကုဪလညာတ္
အဲမၢးနကုဪဗႝတ္ဗ႓တ္မြဲဂွ္ဒွ္မံင္ဗဗြဲဓရ္ေဏါင္ ဟုီဂြံရ၊သြက္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္မဒးဒုင္စမံင္သုိင္တအ္ဂွ္ ျပသႝာၾကက္မဒးဆုဪဂဗဂတ
ဏအ္ဂွ္ ဒးခါတ္အကာဲအာကုဪပေရင္ ကလုိက္ကၞဳဪရပ္လြဟ္မဒွ္ရ၊ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ကလုိက္ကၞဳဪသာ္ဂွ္ဒးရးသန္မံင္ေရာင္
အဲေထင္ေကတ္ရ၊ဆဂးဂွ္အဲမိက္ကုဪညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္ခ်ဳိတ္ကုဪဂအုံကုဪဗြ၀္တုဲအဲဟုီမံင္ဟံြေသင္ပုဟ္၊ပြမကႜတ္ဂစုိတ္ကႛဳိပ္
သၠဳိပ္တအ္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ ဒွ္မံင္ညံင္ဂလာန္သၞာန္ ဂစိုတ္သၞာဂစုိတ္မႝိဟ္ဂွ္ဒးရးသန္မံင္ကုီရဟာဂွ္ရ၊ယ၀္ရဆက္ရပ္အာမံင္ရဲခ်ီဓရာင္
နနဲ႓ုိဟ္လ လံတအ္ဏီမၢးသြက္အကာဲအရာဂြံဒွ္ႏြံရ၊သာ္ဏအ္ဂွ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္အေခါင္ရုဲဟြံမြဲဂႜံင္ကႜက္တုဲညးတအ္ရပ္လြဟ္တု
ဲကေလင္ပႜန္ပန္ဏါဂွ္ဒွ္အေခါင္အရာစုဪဒႝာဇကုဇကုတုဲေစွ္မံင္သဘာ၀ရ၊
.
လၸာ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္တအ္ေလ၀္ဟြံယွအ္မြဲသာ္တုဲနကုဪမှဒှယာကုီ၊နဇုိင္နတဲကုီဂွ္ဆက္တုဲကႛဳိပ္ၾကံင္ဒင္မံင္ဖုိဟ္ရ၊လၸာ္ေကာန္
ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဂွ္ဒႝာဲလၝဳဪစန္ဒက္ေကတ္၊ဒႝာဲလၝဳဪဘပဠေကတ္၊ဒႝာဲလၝဳဪဗတုိက္ေကတ္၊ဒႝာဲလၝဳဪသၸေထာံမဇၨ်ဟ္ရ၊တင္ရန္တၞံအလုဪ
အသှပႝာန္တအ္ေသၢာံပေဠ၀္ပေဠတ္မံင္ျပ၀မပၱံျပံင္ဖ်ဳဲမံင္ညးတာလ်ဳိင္ဂႜဳိင္ကုဪေစွာ္ဇၞာပ္မသုန္သႝာံမြဲ၀ါကုီ၊ကြာ္အာမံင္နကုဪဂႜံင္
တရၜထ႓းဗုီတိ(၇)တင္လုပ္ကုဪေစွာ္သႝာံကုီ၊ပခုိင္ပတုိန္လ၀္စုိတ္ဓါတ္ဆာန္ဂကူမတ္ကႜက္ကႜက္သြက္ေကာန္ဂကူဗၞာတအ္
ကုီ၊ပေရင္ဒပ္ပႝာန္ညံင္ေသၢာံဇဂအ္လတူခုိင္အ၀ုဪပါလှမာန္ဗဗြဲဓရ္မာန္ပႛဲေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒကုီတအ္ဂွ္ယ၀္ရဒးဟုီဍန္န္မၢးရန္တၞံအ
လုဪအသှပႝာန္ဂွ္သြက္ဂြံကလိဂြံဘ၀မဂုီကႜဳီဟြံမြဲကုဪပေရင္ဒးဒုင္ေကတ္အေရ၀္လၱဴျပ၀လုေလာန္လ၀္ဒုဟ္ရာဇာ၀တ္ဂစုိတ္ဂ
ယ်ဳိင္လ၀္ခမှသင္ေကုာံေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ဂစုိတ္ကမႜက္လ၀္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္ေကုာံဒုဟ္ရာဇာ၀တ္မလုေလာန္လ၀္လၱဴ
သတ္မႝိဟ္(Crime against Humanity) ကုီ၊ သုီကုဪသြက္ဂြံဆက္ေကမ္ဇ်ာပ္အာအ၀ုဪ နကုဪမူ၀ါဒပႝာန္အုပ္ဓုပ္ တႝဟ္နဂြံစုဪဒႝာ
အာပေရင္ဒးဒုင္ပၚပရအ္အ၀ုဪေကုာံအ ေခါင္အရာတုပ္သၞဟ္ကုဪေဗာ္ဇႝးလ၀္မာဲေကုာံေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ကုီမဒွ္ရ။
.
ႏူတမ္တဲေတံဂွ္ စပ္ကုဪမူ၀ါဒတင္ဒတၜလုိင္လၱဴေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္တုဲ အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ေကုာံကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ဗၞာတအ္ဗြဲ မဂႜဳိင္
ရပ္လ၀္ ၀ါဒေကာန္ဂကူလၱဴနဲသိပၸံေစွ္ေစွ္ (သိပၸံနည္းက် အမ်ဳိးသား၀ါဒ)တုဲ စပ္ကုဪမူ၀ါဒတင္ဒတၜလုိင္လၱဴရဲ လုပ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္
သြက္၀ါဒဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှတအ္ဂွ္ ရပ္လ၀္၀ါဒ ဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှနဲဗၞာဗုီဗၞာ (ျမန္မာ့နည္းျမန္မာ့ဟန္ ဒီမုိကေရ စီ)တုဲ လးကႜဳင္ဗ်ဴဟာ
လႝိန္ဗပိန္ရ။ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ သြက္ဂြံထုဲႏႇၜဒွ္အာဗၞာဖအုိတ္ဂွ္ ဒးေကႜာန္အာနကုဪနဲကဲ သိပၸံေစွ္ေစွ္တုဲ ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇှေဇတ္
ေဇတ္နဲကဲဍဳင္ပလုိတ္တအ္ ႓ံင္ပၱိတ္လ၀္ သြက္ဂြံလုီဂွ္ ဒးထပက္စုတ္စႝး နကုဪမအေရ၀္မၢး ဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှနဲဗၞာဗုီဗၞာေရာင္ဂွ္ဂြံ
သႛှဂႜိပ္ေကတ္ရ။

ယ၀္ရကေလင္ေက်ာ၀္သကုဪေသၝာဲအာညိပႜန္မၢး၊ေပဲါပႝာန္အၾကာဗၞာကုဪေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္မႏြံကႜဳင္ကုဪဍဳင္နန္တအ္ဂွ္႓ုိန္ရႏြံမံင္
ႏူေခတ္ပေဒသရာဇ္ေတံကုီေလ၀္ ေပဲါပႝာန္အၾကာေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္အခိင္တၝဲဏအ္အုိႆုီကုဪဂကူဗၞာဂွ္ စဒွ္ ကႜဳင္ ၾကၜႏူကလိ
ဂြံဗႜး႓းႏူတဲအဂၤလိက္တအ္တုဲသၸဟုိတ္ကုဪေသႝာ၀္ဥပေဒသႝာံ(၁၉၄၇)ဂွ္ ဟြံဒွ္ဗုီျပင္ကၞိန္ဍဳင္ပံင္ေကာံ ေဇတ္တ္နဇုိင္နတဲေရာင္။
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ရံင္အာလၸာ္အၾကာေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ကြးဘာ၊ေကုာံ ခမှသင္တအ္ကုဪ အလုဪအသှဗၞာ ပႜန္ေလ၀္ ဟုိတ္ႏူမူသဇုိင္ဒက္ပၱန္
ဍဳင္မတံင္ဓဇက္လ၀္ဂွ္ ဟြံဒွ္ဗဗြဲဓရ္၊ဟြံမြဲကုဪစုိတ္မယုဪလၢဴ တုဲပႛဲအရာထမံက္ရုပ္ရၜဂွ္ ဒွ္ကႜဳင္ျပသႝာရ၊ အၾကာခမှသင္ကုဪအလုဪ
အသှပႝာန္တအ္ဂွ္ ႏူအခိင္ဥဴႏုအုပ္ဓုပ္ေခတ္ပါလှမာန္ေတံေလ၀္ေျပျပံင္မံင္ ဟြံေသင္ရ၊ဗြဲေတၞင္၊ အခိင္ဥဴႏုဂၥာန္မံင္သြက္
ဂြံပၱဳိန္သံဃ‎ယာနမဒုင္ယၞဳ ဆ႒မသံဃယာနအၾကာသႝာံ(၁၉၅၄ စုိပ္၁၉၅၆)ေတံေလ၀္ ပၱိတ္ကႜဳင္အမိင္နာနာသာ္လၱဴခမှ
သင္တအ္တုဲ ခမှသင္တအ္ဟြံမိပ္စုိတ္လးလးရ၊ အခိင္ဂွ္ အဲေကင္ဗွ္ကႜဳင္လိက္က်ာ္ေဇႝာ္္ဘာပညာရာမိက၊ ဂႜံင္သိမ္ဗု
(သိမ္ျဖဴလမ္း)၊ဍဳင္လဂုင္ခ်ဴလ၀္ ပေရင္ဟြံေပင္စုိတ္ႏြံ သာ္ဏအ္ရ၊ အပညတၱံနပညာေပတဗၺံ၊ပညတၱံ၀ါနသမုစၧိတဗၺံ၊
သိကၡာပဒပညတၱံနာမ ဗုဒၶါနံ၀ိသေယာ၊နအေညသံ၊

အဓိပၸါယ္ေဍံဂွ္ သိကၡာပုိဒ္ဟြံဂြံပညပ္ဏီဂွ္ထပ္ပညပ္ဟြံဂြံ၊သိကၡာပုိဒ္ပညပ္လ၀္တုဲတအ္ဂွ္ေလ၀္ကုတ္ႏုက္ေကႜံဟြံဂံြ၊
ပြမပညပ္သိကၡာပုိဒ္ဂွ္ဒွ္အရာက်ာ္မြဲဇကုေဟင္ရ၊ပဲါႏူက်ာ္တုဲညးလုဪမြဲေလ၀္ပညပ္ဟြံဂြံ၊သာ္၀ြံ ညးေဒႜာံေဗၱာန္ဏါ ဥဴႏု ရ၊

ၾကၜႏူဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ အာဍဳိပ္နကုဪေဗာ္သီအ၀ုဪပႛဲဂိတုမာတ္ခ်္(၂)၊သႝာံ(၁၉၆၂)မဒုင္ယၞဳ ကံင္ျဇှပႜန္ဂတး ဂွ္ရပ္ေထာံ သမၼတသ၀္
ယွဳဦတာ္ မဒွ္ဂကူေသံေဇႝာ္ေကုာံကႛဳိပ္သၠဳိပ္ေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္တအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္တုဲမႝိဟ္လၝဳဪတအ္တိ တ္ထ႓းဆႏၵဂွ္ေလ၀္ဒးဒုင္လႝိန္
ဗပိန္ေကႜံရ၊ကုဪကြးဘာတအ္ပႜန္ေလ၀္ ပေတင္ဟရတ္လ၀္ေသႝာတ္၀္ပႛဲဘာတကၠသုဪ ဟြံမြဲကုဪဗဗြဲဓရ္တုဲကြးဘာတအ္ဒုင္ဟြံ
မာန္အုိတ္ရ၊ကြးဘာတအ္တိတ္အာထ႓းဆႏၵ႓ုိဟ္ဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္ဟ္ပႛဲဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္(၇)ဂွ္

ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ဗလးဏါဒပ္ပႝာန္ကုဪပန္တုဲကြးဘာတအ္လၞိဟ္႓ုိတ္မြဲကႜံဒးဒုင္ပန္ဂစိုတ္ေကႜံဗြဲမၾကမ္ဓဇန္ရ၊တၝဲဂွ္ေဟင္ အခိင္သ၀္
တၝဲ(၈)နာဍီဂွ္ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ ဟုီအသံပါင္နကုဪစက္လေလာင္ရမ်ာင္ဓါတ္ (Radio) မၢး ယ၀္ရခဍဳိက္ခ ရုိက္ေကာ္ဆၜကုဪပုဦမၢး
အဲဒးလေလာင္ၾတးကုဪတီလ၀္၊ပုဦဗၱဳိက္ျဇင္ကုဪျဇင္၊ဗႝဳဟ္ကုဪဗႝဳဟ္ေဏါင္၊ ဆဂွ္ဟြံကဏီ၊နကုဪအသိင္ မေထဲေပႝာတ္ဂွ္ ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ
(၈)၊ဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္၊အခိင္ႏူဂယးအသုိန္တုိန္ဂွ္ ေဖ်ံအမိင္သကုဪဗတုိဟ္သရုိဟ္ေထာံသၝိတုိ က္သမဂၢကြးဘာမႝဳံကုဪ၀င္ငၝဳဟ္မးပႛဲ
ဘာတကၠသုိလ္လဂုင္နကုဪမဟတုိဟ္တၞံဒုဪရ၊

မြဲအဆက္ဓ၀္ေဟင္ ဗုိလ္ေနေ၀န္ဆက္ရပ္စပ္အာအ၀ုဪနကုဪယၞဳ ပါတီဂႜံင္တရၜသုဪေရွ၀္ေလတ္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ (Burma Socialist
Programme Party)တုဲ ဗဒွ္ကႜဳင္ပၞတ္ပႝာန္အပႛဲဍဳင္အၾကာေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္ကုဪဂကူဗၞာတအ္ရ၊စပ္ကုဪ ေဗာ္ပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္
ေလ၀္ ရပ္လ၀္၀ါဒေသႝာတ္၀္မြဲေဗာ္ေဟင္တုဲ သၞာပေရင္ဍဳင္ကြာန္ပႛဲဍဳင္တအ္ဟြံေပင္စုိတ္လး လးရ၊စပ္ကုဪပေရင္ပုိန္ျဂပ္ဂွ္
ရပ္လ၀္ ေသႝာတ္၀္ ပေရင္ပုိန္ျဂပ္တရပ္ကုဪစုိတ္ဍဳင္ဇကုကုဪဇကုတုဲကၞာတ္လဒုဪပေရင္ ဆက္ေစႜာံပေရင္ပုိန္ျဂပ္ကုဪဍဳင္မၝးရ၊
မၝးႏူဂွ္ပႜန္၊ ညးေတံပလုီေထာံလွဳဲတႝး ငၝဳဟ္(၅၀)၊ငၝဳဟ္(၁၀၀)ပႜန္ရ၊ ဟုိတ္ႏူပေရ င္ပုိန္ျဂပ္လေသာ၀္ေစွ္မြဲဒျမိပ္ဓ၀္တုဲ စုိပ္သႝာံ
(၁၉၈၇) ဂွ္ ကုလသမဂၢသဒးလေလာင္ၾတးနဒဒွ္ဍဳင္မေဖာ၀္ေျဖ၀္ေအာ န္အုိတ္မြဲရ၊ဟုိတ္ႏူဟုိတ္တအ္ဂွ္တုဲ ညးေတံဒးႏုက္
တိတ္ႏူ ဥကၠ႒ေဗာ္မဆလ ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ(၂၃၊၀၇၊၈၈)ဂွ္ရ၊ ႓ုိန္ဂွ္ေလ၀္၊ဟုိတ္ႏူအသံပါင္ညးေတံမၢး ဓမၼတာပႝာန္ပန္မၢး၊ပန္ပစူလ
တူက်ာဟြံမြဲတုဲ ပန္မၢးပန္တပ္တပ္ေဏါင္တုဲ ပေရင္လႝိန္ဗပိန္ပန္ဂစုိတ္ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္မထ႓းဆႏၵ(၈၈၈၈)တအ္ဂႜဳိင္ကုဪ
လၝီဂွ္ကၱဳဪဒွ္ကႜဳင္ရ။

ဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္ (၁၇)၊၂၀၀၈၊

သၠဳတ္ဒုတိယမင္စၞှညိအၜ၊

စၞတ္တၝဲ(၁၇)၊ဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္ဏအ္မၢး နာဲယကၡေကုာံနာဲဆီဂကူတအ္ဒးဒုင္ေဖ်ံလ၀္ထံင္ဟြံမြဲကုဪဗဗြဲဓရ္ေပင္အာ(၅)သႝာံေရာင္၊

2008-07-13T23:38:00.001-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

စပ္ကုဪတၝဲဏအ္တုဲမိႆဟာဲမှဒှယာမန္ေကုာံဗလံက္မန္တအ္ဂမႜဳိင္ သပဂုန္တုဲ ဘုိင္လုပ္ကုဪေပဲါဗၱဳိက္ခ်ှဓရာင္ Campaign နပြမစုတ္ကုဪ လိက္တႝးၾတးပရအ္ Brochure ေကုာံပေရာနာဲယကၡ၊နာဲဆီဂကူတအ္အုိတ္ညိဂွ္အာတ္မိက္ဏါရအၜ။တံင္တဲေကႜာန္ကုဪမြၜ၀ါညိအၜ။

စၞတ္တၝဲ(၁၇)၊ဂိတုဂ်ဴလာင္ဏအ္မၢး နာဲယကၡေကုာံနာဲဆီဂကူတအ္ဒးဒုင္ေဖ်ံလ၀္ထံင္ဟြံမြဲကုဪဗဗြဲဓရ္ေပင္အာ(၅)သႝာံေရာင္၊

ယ၀္မႝးမိက္ဂြံဗွ္ဗြဲၾတးကုီ၊မိက္ဂြံထပက္စၞတ္တဲဗလးညးတအ္ကုီမၢး အာပံက္ေက်ာ၀္ဒႝာဲဏအ္ညိအၜ။

ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ ၄ တႜဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ နကုဪအမွဳဂစုိတ္မႝိဟ္ပႛဲဍဳင္မေလယွာ

2008-07-07T20:43:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ ၄ တႜဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ နကုဪအမွဳဂစုိတ္မႝိဟ္ပႛဲဍဳင္မေလယွာ

ကြာဠာလာမ္ပူ ဂ်ဴလာင္ ၇၊။ ပႛဲစၞတ္တၝဲ ေမ ၁၈ ဂွ္ မႝိဟ္ျဗၜႏူဍဳင္ဗၞာမြဲတႜ ဒးဒုင္ဂစုိတ္လ၀္ ပႛဲသၝိသြံဖ်ာမႝဳံ ပႛဲစလာန္ပသာ ဗုိလ္ေရာင္ Jalan Pasar Borong ရ၊ စပ္ကုဪအမွဳဂွ္တုဲ ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ ၄ တႜ ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာရ။

မႝိဟ္တအ္ဂွ္ မႝဳံအာယုက္ အၾကာ ၁၈ ကုဪ ၂၃ တုဲ ပႛဲတၝဲသၝိသ၀္ဂွ္ ဒးဒုင္ေကာ္ဏါ ပႛဲသၝိမြဲသၝိမႝဳံ ပႛဲ အရာပ္ တမာန္ လာန္ဂ်ီတုဲ ဗႜာဲသၞိင္တအ္အာတ္ေကတ္လ၀္အေခါင္ရပ္ခ်ဳက္စုဪကုဪစုိပ္ တၝဲျဗၜပတိေရာင္ဂွ္ ဒုတိယသၠဳိပ္ဗႜာဲသၞိင္ မႝဳံယၞဳ ဒတုက္ အာပ္ဒူသမာေမတ္ Datuk Abdul Samah Mat ဟုီရ၊

ဗႜာဲသၞိင္ တအ္ သီဂြံ လြဟ္ေဂတ္ၾတၜမ(ေျခာက္လုံးျပဴး)မြဲဒကုိအ္၊မကံ ၁၅ ဇုက္၊႓ုန္ ၃ တႝဳင္၊ျဇဳင္ဒေမႜံ မြဲတႝဳင္၊ ပႛဲသၝိ မႝိဟ္ဒးဒုင္ရပ္တအ္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ ဒုဗႜာဲသၞိင္ ဂွ္ ထပ္ဟုီရ။

ဇြဇကု မႝိဟ္ျဗၜမႝဳံယၞဳ နာန္စူ(၀ါ) ၀ွတိမာ ယူသပ္ Nan Ju @ Fatimah Yusuf မႝဳံအာယုက္ ၃၆ ဒးဒုင္ေရက္ခရုတ္လ၀္တုဲ ခ်ဳိတ္မံင္ပႛဲသၝိသြံဖ်ာဂွ္ ဂြံဆုဪေကတ္ရ။ ညးမဒးဒုင္ခ်ဳိတ္အာဂွ္ ဒွ္ညးမအံင္လ၀္ယူေအန္တုဲ းဒဒုင္ဂစုိတ္လ၀္ အခိင္႓ုိတ္ ၄ နာဍီေရာင္ ညးတအ္ေထင္ေကတ္ရ။

တုဲပႜန္၊ စပ္ကုဪအမွဳ လုပ္ဖံက္တုိက္ၾသန္ ပႛဲ ေဗန္ဒါ ဘရူ ယူတရာ ေသ၀္လယာန္ Bandar Baru Utara Selayang အခိင္တၝဲအဒုိတ္သၝိသ၀္ဂွ္တုဲ ေကာန္ဍဳင္မၝး ၄ တႜ ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာရ။

စက္ေကာန္ပ်ဴတာပန္မ မႝဳံငၝဳဟ္မး ၾသန္ေရင္ေဂသ္ ၁၀ ၀၀၀ ေကုာံ ၾသန္ ၁၀၀ ေလ၀္ေကႜံမံင္ ပႛဲတုိက္ထပ္ဒုတိယဂွ္ရ။ေကာန္ကေမႜာန္မြဲတႜ ညးကႜဳင္ကေမႜာန္တုဲ ညးသၸ သတိကုဪ ေခါက္သုင္ဍာ္လတူခုင္ေကုာံေဒၝာ၀္ လက္ကရၜဒကးျပးမံင္တုဲဂြံတီေကတ္ရ။

စပ္ကုဪအမွဳဂွ္ေလ၀္ ဗႜာဲသၞိင္ မေလ၀္တအ္ ရပ္ေထာံ ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာေကုာံေကာန္ဍဳင္ေအန္ဒုဪနှယွာ ၁၅ တႜ တုဲ ကေလင္ဗလးကုဪ ၁၁ တႜရ။ ပႛဲဂွ္ေကာန္ငၝာ္ ၂ တႜေကုာံမႝိဟ္ျဗ ၜ ၃ တႜ မတန္တၜမံင္ ဗၵာဲ ဂွ္ေလ၀္ပါရ။

FOUR MYANMAR NATIONALS DETAINED OVER MURDER

Bernama - Tuesday, July 8

KUALA LUMPUR, July 7 (Bernama) -- Four Myanmar nationals have been arrested in connection with the murder of a Myanmar woman whose body was found at a shophouse in Jalan Pasar Borong here on May 18.

The men, aged between 18 and 23, were picked up at a house in Taman Pelangi, Rawang on Saturday were remanded until Thursday, said City deputy police chief Datuk Abdul Samah Mat.

"Police seized a revolver, 15 rounds of ammunition, three knives and a machete from a room in the house," he told reporters here today.

Nan Ju @ Fatimah Yusuf, 36, was found dead with her throat slit in a room on the third flood of the shophouse.

The victim, who had the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)'s protection status, was believed to have been murdered at about 4am.

POLICE-MURDER 2 (LAST) KUALA LUMPUR

Meanwhile, police have also arrested four foreign nationals in connection with the break-in at the Agro Bank branch office in Bandar Baru Utara Selayang near the Selayang Wholesale Market here over the weekend.

Four computers worth about RM10,000 and RM100 cash were found missing from the office on the second floor of the four-storey building.

The break-in was realised by an employee of the bank when she arrived for work at 8am today after noticing two cups on a table and the glass window behind the office shattered.

Police screened 15 Indonesian and Myanmar nationals including three women and two children who stayed next door before releasing 11 of them.

Sentul police chief ACP Ahmad Sofian Md Yasin confirmed the arrests. -- BERNAMA NNA NMR KAM MB HA

စၞီခၬင္ေသၝာဲခၬင္ဗုီျပင္ဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှ သၞ၀္အ၀ုဪပႝာန္ဗၞာ

2008-06-26T15:52:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME
စၞီခၬင္ေသၝာဲခၬင္ဗုီျပင္ဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှ သၞ၀္အ၀ုဪပႝာန္ဗၞာ

the more u hope the more far away democracy - Upload a Document to Scribd

မဟာမိတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ သြက္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇီ ဗဗုိန္ဂလာန္ဆက္ဇက္အာသၝိအလုဪအသှဗြဲမ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္

2008-06-21T01:34:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

မဟာမိတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ သြက္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇီ ဗဗုိန္ဂလာန္ဆက္ဇက္အာသၝိအလုဪအသှဗြဲမ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္

မဟာမိတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္သြက္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇီေသံတအ္ ကုဪကတိပါင္မဂး ဆက္ဇက္အာသၝိအလုဪအသှဗြဲမ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္တုဲ ဟြံမြဲကုဪပ၀မသီေကတ္သၝိအလုဪအသှ၊

ဇက္အာသၝိအလုဪအသှဂွ္ညံင္ရၜ ဇက္ေရင္အာဒုင္ဒါန္ကုီ၊ ပူဂုဪလစြံစုိတ္ပေရံလတူအလုဪအသှတအ္ ႏွၜရၜပါလုပ္ကေရာံရဲထ႓းဆႏၵတအ္မာန္၊ ဂြံလ၀္ပရုိင္ရ၊
အုိတ္ေကႝာတ္ ေပဲါထ႓းဆႏၵဒွ္မံင္ဗြဲမ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္ကလိတ္ကေလာတ္၊ မႝိဟ္တာလ်ဳိင္ဂုီကႜဳီမဟာမိတ္ဒီမ၀္တအ္ မင္မြဲရံင္စံင္ရဲထ႓းဆႏၵတအ္ မြဲဂေကာံမႝိဟ္တာလ်ဳိင္ စွ္တႜ၊

ဂႜဳင္သၞတ္ဗႝတ္စွ္ဖဍဳိက္ေလ၀္ပေလ၀္ပေလတ္လ၀္ သြက္ရဲ ထ႓းဆႏၵတအ္ ဂြံတတ္အာ႓ှတုဲ စုိပ္ရုင္ အလုဪအသီမာန္ ကာလႏြံပၞိက္ကႜဴင္မၢး၊

Bangkok - The People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) issued its 14th statement, saying the march to the Government House would be based on peace.

The PAD confirmed the march would be without weapons and there would be no seizure of the Government House.

The group said the march to the Government House was like a charity walk.

It was reported that the government’s ill-wishers would possibly mess the demonstration up.

The atmosphere of the rally ran smoothly and peacefully this morning.

The PAD’s security guard teams rehearsed taking care of the demonstrators. There are ten guards in each team.

About ten paddle boats were prepared in case they could be used to cross the Padung Krungkasem Canal to reach the Government House.

ဇြမႝိဟ္ဒးလ၀္ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္တအ္ ဟီျပးဇးမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္ဍဳင္မန္

2008-06-14T04:37:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဇြမႝိဟ္ဒးလ၀္ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္တအ္ ဟီျပးဇးမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္ဍဳင္မန္

ေလာန္ကႜဳင္႓ုိတ္မြဲသတၱာဟတုဲကႜဳင္ေတံဂွ္ ဇြရဲဒးလ၀္ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္ ပႛဲရးေအရာ၀တှတအ္ ေဇာ၀္ဟှေစွ္မံင္တိဍာ္မန္႓ုိတ္ပိကႜံတႜေရာင္ဂွ္လိက္ပရုိင္ AFP ခ်ဴထမံက္လ၀္ရ၊ ဗြဲေတၞင္ဟှစုိပ္ကႜဳင္ ဍဳင္က်ာ္ခမှ၊ျပင္႓ှစက္စာဲတုဲညးဍဳင္ကြာန္မန္တအ္စံင္ေကႜံကုဪရ၊ဇြတအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္္ဇြမႝိဟ္ျဗၜပါဂႜဳိင္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ညးတာလ်ဳိင္ယုိက္ကာသၞိင္ဟြံမိက္ထမံက္ယၞဳမြဲတႜဟုီလၜထ႓းရ၊

ဟုိတ္ႏူသၞဴဇြတအ္ဂွ္ပသေလာန္တုဲ မႝိဟ္မတန္တၜမံင္ဇုိင္႓ှစက္စာဲတအ္ ျပံင္အာဒႝာဲဗႜးသၞဴတအ္ဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္မြဲတႜဟုီရ၊ က်ာမှလံင္သေရာပ္ပလုီဏါရးေအရာ၀တှဂွ္ လၞိဟ္မႝိဟ္စုတိအာ ႓ုိတ္မြဲကုိဋ္ပိလက္ဘာ္တုဲဂႜဳိင္ကုဪလၞိဟ္ေကႜံမံင္ရ၊အၾကာဂႜံင္၊အၾကာ၀ါဗၝတအ္ေလ၀္ ဇြဟှမံင္ေပင္သူတုဲသၞဴအျမာဲပသပေသာန္မံင္အလုံဒႝာဲရ။

Cyclone dead wash ashore on distant Myanmar beach: official

AFP

About 300 bloated and decaying corpses, apparently victims of Cyclone Nargis, washed up on a beach in eastern Myanmar more than one month after the storm, a local official said Saturday.

The bodies had been found in the last week on the beach near Mawlamyine town, across the Gulf of Martaban, more than 100 miles (160 kilometres) east of the devastated Irrawaddy Delta, the official told AFP.

More than 133,000 people were killed or are missing after the cyclone struck six weeks ago. Many were washed out to sea as a tidal surge wiped out their villages.

"About 300 dead bodies have been cremated in the last week, after they floated into Kyaikkhami and Setse beaches. They were all decomposing. Most of them appeared to be women," said the official who spoke on condition of anonymity.

"Some fishermen saw these dead bodies on the beaches and informed the authorities," he said. "We decided to cremate them for the sake of the environment," he said.

Residents told AFP by telephone that many people had moved away to avoid the grim scenes of bodies washing onto the beaches.

The descriptions recalled the devastation in the delta last month, when victims' bodies were left rotting on roadsides and floating in rice fields, where in many cases they laid for weeks.

လပိုတ္က်ာမှလံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ဍဳင္မန္ႏြံ အလုဪအသီဗၞာတအ္ ပရးပရုိင္ေကာလဟာလ

2008-06-13T15:19:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

လပိုတ္က်ာမှလံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ဍဳင္မန္ႏြံ အလုဪအသီဗၞာတအ္ ပရးပရုိင္ေကာလဟာလ

စုိပ္ဂိတုေဂ်ာန္ ၁၆ ဏအ္မဂး လပုိတ္က်ာမီလံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ဍဳင္မန္ႏြံေရာင္ဂွ္ အလုဪအသီဗၞာတအ္ပတိတ္မံင္ပရုိင္ေကာလဟာလရ၊ အခိင္ေဍံတအ္ကတၜအလာံဗေကတ္မဂး ျဂိပ္ သာ္၀ြံေဍံတအ္ဟုီလ၀္ရ၊ ပရုိင္သာ္ဏအ္ျပးမံင္လအ္လၾကၜႏူက်ာမီလံင္တက္သရုိဟ္ေထာံရးေအရာ၀တှေတံရ၊ သာ္၀ြံပရုိင္ ေအရာတှခ်ဴလ၀္ရ၊

ယ၀္ရဒးေတာ္ကုဪပေရင္ေဗဒင္ေဟာရာမဂး သႝာံ သာသနာ ၂၅၅၁ ဏအ္ဂွ္ဒွ္သႝာံျပဳိဟ္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ နာဲအံင္ေဇယ်မဒက္ပတန္လ၀္ဒးလုီတုဲ ဗၞာတအ္ေကႜာန္မံင္ပေရင္ဗစဍဳင္ဒုင္ေပႜင္မံင္အႏၱရာဲဟာဂွ္ဒးခ်ပ္ေထက္ရ၊အဓိပဲါထ႓းအလာံဗေကတ္မဂးျဂိပ္ဂွ္ ပုဲိထေဍင္မဂးျဂိပ္ဒွ္မာန္တုဲ အခိင္မန္တအ္ျဂိပ္ေကတ္တ္ ဟုိတ္ႏူေဖက္မဒွ ္ရ၊ ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ျခာဟြံလအ္ေတံေလ၀္ ကေပါတ္အံင္ေဇယ် မကုဪလ၀္ဒါန္ဇေရင္က်ာ္လၢဳင္တအ္ ဒးျပဟ္ဒတုံလုီဓရုိဟ္မံင္အုိတ္တဲု ဗၞာတအ္ေလ၀္ေဖက္ဂၞံက္ေတာ္မံင္ပေရင္က်ဍဳင္အုိတ္ရ၊ ဟုိတ္ဂွ္ရ၊ စပ္ကုဪကိစၥ တႜပညာအၥာေဗဒင္မန္မစိေစာန္ ေတာ္ကုိန္ျပဳိဟ္ဍဳင္ဟဗုင္ကြာန္ေလပ္တအ္ ဘုိင္ရုီဗင္ေတာ္ကုဪမြဲတုဲ ပလံင္ဗစုိပ္နင္ကုဪ ဌာန္ဒၞံင္ဏအ္ညိအၜ။ monlandtime@gmail.com

ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ဟြံလအ္ေအွ္ဂွ္ မႝိဟ္ပႛဲတာန္ယွဳိဲခ်ဴသာ္ဏအ္ရ။

Storm Rumors Create Panic in Moulmein

By VIOLET CHO

Friday, June 13, 2008

A storm warning system launched by the Burmese army in Burma’s Mon State has caused panic among local people, who believe it heralds another catastrophe on the scale of Burma’s Cyclone Nargis.

Residents of the Mon State capital, Moulmein, say soldiers have been touring the city during the past two weeks announcing they would wave red flags if another storm threatened to hit the area.

“We are told to run as quickly as possible if we see soldiers waving red flags because this means a natural disaster is going to strike,” said one man.

Rumors circulated that another big storm was about to strike the port city on the Gulf of Martaban. “Some are gathering their belongings and making for the mountains,” said a resident of Mudon, near Moulmein. Some complain of being robbed on their way into the mountains.

One rumor says a storm is expected on June 16. “People living on the coast and the river are really afraid and getting ready to leave,” the woman said.

Many residents complain that the local authorities are doing nothing to quash the rumors and end the panic. No news has come from the state meteorology department.

“The government and its authorities on the ground are responsible for this situation,” said a Mudon high school teacher. “They know that people are afraid but they do nothing. They allow the rumors to create fear among the people.

“I don’t believe it when I hear a rumor that a new storm is coming, because I watch the news every day and I’ve seen no warning from the meteorology department.”

မန္ဍဳင္ေသံတအ္ငၝဳင္ကၱဳဪမံင္

2008-06-11T13:19:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

မန္ဍဳင္ေသံတအ္ငၝဳင္ကၱဳဪမံင္

ဒပ္ပႝာန္ကႜဳဪဗၞာတအ္ ၾကမ္ၾကမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္မန္သႜဳင္က်ာဖုိဟ္

2008-06-09T12:02:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဒပ္ပႝာန္ကႜဳဪဗၞာတအ္ ၾကမ္ၾကမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္မန္သႜဳင္က်ာဖုိဟ္

Burmese Army still Committing the Crimes against Humanity under the Order of Gen. Than Shwe

ဒပ္ပႝာန္ဗၞာဇုိင္ပရဟ္လၞိဟ္(၃၁)မေဖ်ံသဇုိင္ပႛဲပြဳင္တုိက္ေခါဇာ၊တြဳဪရးဍဳင္ေရ၀္တအ္ရပ္ေထာံ ဥကၠ႒ကြာန္မြဲေကုာံေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္(၅)တႜတုဲပ်ဲပ်ာံ႓ုိင္တက္လ၀္ဗြဲမဓဇန္ရ၊ၾကၜႏူဒုင္လ်ဳိင္ကုဪတိကႜအ္တုဲညးတအ္ဗႜးတိတ္ကႜဳင္ေရာင္ ႒ာန္ပရုိင္ဗႜး႓းမန္တအ္ခ်ဴလ၀္ရ၊

ညးတအ္ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာနကုဪအမွဳေစာတ္ေစာဲထံက္ပင္သပုန္မန္ပၚတိတ္တအ္ေရာင္ပရုိင္ဂွ္သၢးလ၀္ရ၊ ဒပ္ပႝာန္ဗၞာတအ္ဂွ္ဂႜာဲေဖ်ံဗုီပတုိန္ေကတ္ဂဗုတ္စုတ္ေကတ္ဂလာန္တုဲဗက္ဓရတ္ေကတ္ထ၀္ၾသန္၊ရပ္ပ်ာဲပ်ာံတအ္သပကႜဳင္မံင္မြဲဏွဏွကုီရ၊ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ဂိတုေမေကုာံဂိတုေဂ်ာန္ဏအ္မံက္ဂွ္ဒပ္ပႝာန္ဗၞာေကုာံဒပ္ကေရင္ေကေအန္ ယူတအ္ဒွ္ေပဲါဗၱဳိက္မြဲဏွမြဲဏွတုဲကြာန္ကေရင္ဟြံေအာန္ႏူပိကြာန္ဒးဒုင္စံင္ေကႜံေရာင္ဂွ္ ပရုိင္မသပဒတန္ဂြံႏူပႝာန္တအ္ဟုီရ၊ ေကာန္ကြာန္တအ္ဂႜဳိင္ကုဪလၝီဒး ဒုင္ေထာံဍဳင္ေထာံကြာန္တုဲ ျဂိပ္ဒၜလလၜဇုိင္အာဒႝာဲမဗႜးဘဲအိုတ္ေရာင္ေသၢာံတီေကတ္ရ၊

အတုိင္ သၠဳိပ္ဗုိလ္အံင္ေလန္ေထာဋ္ ဟုီပတိတ္စလ၀္ဂွ္မၢး အမိင္သြက္ဂြံဂစုိတ္မႝိဟ္သုီကုဪေကာန္ငၝာ္မႝဳံပႛဲေဂါ၀္ဂႝၜတအ္ဂွ္ေစွ္ကႜဳင္ႏူ နာဲတာန္ယွဳဦ ပႝာန္ဗၞာတအ္ ေကာ္မံင္အဘေဇႝာ္တုိက္ရုိက္ေရာင္ဂွ္ေသြာံတီေကတ္ရ၊ေဒၢတ္ပြမဂစုိတ္ေကာန္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္၊ခမှသင္၊ေကုာံေကာန္ငၝာ္မႝဳံပႛဲေဂါ၀္ဂႝၜတအ္ကုိီ သုီစံင္ဘုတ္ဘာ၊က်ာ္ေစတှေကုာံစံင္ဂစုိတ္ခမှသင္တအ္ဂ်ဳိင္ဂ်ဳိင္ဂွ္ေဍံတအ္ေကႜာန္သပကႜဳင္မံင္ႏူေခတ္အံင္ေဇယ်ေတံေရာင္ဂွ္၀င္မန္တအ္ခ်ဴလ၀္ခိုင္င္ကႜဳိက္က္ေရာင္။

Soldiers interrogate and torture village headman and group

IMNA

Burmese Army troops based in Southern Mon state released a village headman and five villagers after interrogating and torturing them on the accusation that they had been supporting Mon rebels active in the area.

Troops of the Infantry Battalion (IB) No.31 based in Khawza sub Township in southern Ye township, freed Yin-ye village headman Nai Maung Ba and other villagers after they provided guarantees.

"Three villagers who have farmlands and plantations provided the guarantee for each of them. If someone from Nai Maung Ba's group escapes, the farmlands and plantations would be seized by the army," a Nai Maung Ba family source told IMNA.

According to a source, Nai Maung Ba and his group have to sign documents every three days in IB No. 31 based at Khaw-za Sub Township to ensure that they do not flee. Nai Maung Ba and his Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC) team have been dismissed from their positions. The army is now appointing a new (VPDC) team.

The VPDC chairman in Yin-ye village, Nai Maung Ba (47), Secretary Nai Kyaw Hein (41) and member Nai Sein Maung (41) were arrested by Burmese soldiers of Infantry Battalion No.31 based in Khaw-za sub township on May 29 night. Nai Gare, Nai Kya Kaung and Nai San Yi were arrested on May 28 when they went to give money demanded by Mon rebels.

The soldiers beat the village headman's group the way someone would beat cattle and pigs to death in front of villagers.

The group was arrested for arranging to meet the Monland Restoration Party's demands for funds last month.

IMNA သတင္း

June 7, 2008

Burma: Than Shwe 'ordered troops to execute villagers'

General Than Shwe is referred to as the ’Great Father’

Richard Lloyd Parry, Asia Editor

The leader of the Burmese junta, Than Shwe, personally ordered the murder of scores of unarmed villagers and Thai fishermen, according to a senior diplomat and military intelligence officer who defected to America.

Aung Lin Htut, formerly the deputy chief of mission at the Burmese Embassy in Washington, described to a radio station how 81 people, including women and children, were shot and buried on an isolated island after straying into a remote military zone in the southeast of the country in 1998.

After one general hesitated to kill the civilians, fearing that the commander who had given the order was drunk, he was informed that it came from “Aba Gyi” or “Great Father” – the term used to refer to Senior General Than Shwe, the head of the junta.

A few days later troops from the same military base captured a Thai fishing boat that had strayed close to Christie Island in the Mergui Archipelago. The 22 fishermen on board were also shot and buried on the island. “I was a witness to the two incidents in which a total of about 81 people were killed,” Mr Aung Lin Htut, formerly a major in military intelligence, told the Burmese language service of Voice of America. “All of them were unarmed civilians.” In 46 years of military rule in Burma, there have been numerous reports of grave human rights violations but few have been attested by so well placed a source as Mr Aung Lin Htut. They come at a time when General Than Shwe and his regime are coming under scrutiny, after their refusal to allow a full scale relief operation for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.

The French Government has said that it comes close to being a “crime against humanity”, and last week Robert Gates, the US Defence Secretary, called it “criminal neglect”. If a tribunal like the ones established for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia is ever created for Burma, then Mr Aung Lin Htut will doubtless be called to give evidence.

He sought asylum in the US in 2005, along with six members of his family, after a purge against the country’s prime minister and intelligence chief of the time by General Than Shwe destroyed the careers of a generation of intelligence officers. Given the control of information in Burma, his account is impossible to verify. But it has credibility because it is the first time since his defection that Mr Aung Lin Htut has made any public comment on his former masters.

In May 1998 he was stationed on Zadetkyi island, a frontline base close to Burma’s maritime border with Thailand. The commander of the base was Colonel Zaw Min, who is now Minister for Electric Power and general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, the junta’s grassroots organisation.

A unit led by the colonel landed on Christie Island and found 59 people living there to gather wood and bamboo, in violation of Burmese law. The order came back from headquarters that they were to be “eliminated”.

Myint Swe, an air force general, said that he was a religious person, and that the matter should be handled delicately. He said that he was very concerned by the timing of the elimination order – just after lunch, a time when General Maung Aye, now the number two in the junta, was usually drunk.

TIMEONLINE, ASIA EDITOR

ဂတာပ္အခိင္

2008-06-07T23:05:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဂတာပ္အခိင္

လဇုဲလဇ၊ ဒးငၝဳင္ငၝ၊ ဘ၀မန္ဟြံသာယ်ာ၊
လဇုဲလဇ၊ ဒးေဟာံျဇ၊ ဘ၀မန္ဒးေလင္အာ၊
လဇုဲလဇ၊ ဒးေအဲျဇ၊ ဘ၀မန္ဒးကွ္အာ၊
လဇုဲလဇ၊ အုိတ္ဇှ၀၊ ဘ၀မန္ဒးကႜက္အာ။

ဂတာပ္အခိင္၊ ဟြံဒးဂြိင္၊ သၞိင္မန္ဂြံမံက္မာန္၊
ဂတာပ္အခိင္၊ ဟြံယွအ္အသိင္၊ ေကႜာံ႓ိင္မွာသၞိဒ္မာန္၊
ဂတာပ္အခိင္၊ ညိဟြံညိင္၊ သၞိင္အိန္ရုီမန္မာန္
ဂတာပ္အခိင္၊ မန္ဂြံလဟိင္၊ သႝိင္႓ုိပ္ဂြံဇူမာန္။

က႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ ၂၂ ဖဍဳိက္မင္မံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ရုီဗင္ဖုိဟ္

2008-06-07T10:05:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

က႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ ၂၂ ဖဍဳိက္မင္မံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ရုီဗင္ဖုိဟ္

က႓က္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ ၂၂ ဖဍဳိက္မင္မံင္အခိင္စုိတ္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာျပံင္သြက္ဂြံကုဪအေခါင္လုပ္ရုီဗင္ညးမဒးဘဲကပ္က်ာမီလံင္ေလာန္ကႜဳင္ႏူဂိတု ေမ ၃ ေတံရ၊ က႓င္က်ာတအ္ဂွ္ပႛဲအပႛဲပ၀ုိင္ ၃ တၝဲဓ၀္ပလံင္ဗစုိပ္ကေပါတ္ကုညးမဒွ္ဒဒုိက္တအ္မာန္ရ၊သာ္၀ြံ ပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ဟုီရ၊

မှဒီယ်ာ အလုဪအသှဗၞာတအ္ဗ်ဳတ္ဗေဒက္ဟုီဗ်ိညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ေကုာံဌာနပရုိင္ဍဳင္မၝးတအ္နပြမပၱဳိန္ဒုဟ္မၢး ေကႜာန္ေကတ္ပရုိင္ဟဍဳိက္မုက္ဂ၀ဂေလံဍဳင္ဗၞာရ၊

လၞိဟ္မႝိဟ္ ၂.၄ ျပေကာဋိကုိဋ္ ဒးအာဘဲက်ာမှလံင္ေရာင္ ဂွ္ UN ဟုီခ်ိင္ေကတ္ရ၊ လၞိဟ္မႝိဟ္႓ုိတ္မြဲ ျပေကာဋိကုိဋ္ဂွ္ ဟြံကလိအရုီဗင္ဗြဲမရုံဂပ္ဏှဖုိဟ္ရ၊

ကေရာံက႓င္က်ာအေမရိကာန္ဂွ္ယ၀္ရကုဪအေခါင္ကုညးတာလ်ဳိင္အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာပါလုပ္ထ႓းဂႜံင္၊ေကုာံစီဇန္ဖန္ဖက္ဒႝာဲေဖ်ံကေပါတ္မၝး အလုဪအသှပႝာန္ဗၞာတအ္ ဗၥာရဏာကုဪမံင္ပေရင္ေသြာံလုပ္ရုီဗင္ဖုိဟ္ရ၊

ၾကၜႏူနာဲဇဂနာ ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာတုဲကေမႜာန္ရုီဗင္ညးဒွ္ဒဒုိက္ညးအားဍဳိပ္တုဲေရင္တႜဳင္မံင္ဂွ္ဒးေဒါံဇူလ၀္ရ၊ နာဲဇဂနာမႝဳံအာယုက္ ၄၆ ဂွ္ဟုိတ္ႏူဒုင္သၞာန္သြဟ္ကုဪ ဌာနပရုိင္မဒယွ္တွ္ဂမႜဳိင္မပၱံပရုိင္ BBC တအ္တုဲ ဟုီပၚပဲါဏါအလုဪအသှဗၞာဂွ္ရဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာရ၊

US military choppers still ready to help Myanmar

Sat Jun 7, 4:09 AM ET

The U.S. military said Friday it is keeping 22 helicopters on standby in case Myanmar's ruling junta reverses its rejection of such help for cyclone victims, saying the aircraft could ferry emergency supplies to most survivors within three days.

Myanmar's government, meanwhile, lashed out at its own citizens and foreign media for what it called distorted coverage of the aftermath of the devastating storm a month ago. It said the country's image had been tarnished by false claims that aid isn't getting to people.

U.N. officials and aid groups have criticized the regime for hindering aid work, which they say has kept enough food, water and shelter from reaching some 1 million desperate survivors.

The top U.N. humanitarian official, John Holmes, said in New York there are now "relatively few people" who have not received any sort of help, but he stressed that "this aid effort needs to be stepped up further."

"I think people are getting to all the main places, although it's not always as easy as it should be," Holmes said. "There's no evidence of starvation at the moment, although as I say many people are still in significant need of aid."

The new offer of U.S. military help came after four Navy ships loaded with helicopters and relief supplies sailed away Thursday from the coast of Myanmar, where they had been on station for three weeks in hope of getting permission to provide assistance.

Prospects that the offer would be accepted appeared slim, especially as Myanmar's military regime has begun exhibiting heightened sensitivity over foreign perceptions of the crisis.

The U.N. estimates a total of 2.4 million people were affected when Cyclone Nargis hit May 2-3, and warns that more than 1 million of those still need help, mostly in the hard-to-reach Irrawaddy delta.

"Of the 1 million or 1.5 million people in need of relief support, we think that between 450,000 to 750,000 are in emergency need," said Lt. Gen. John Goodman, commander of Marine Forces Pacific and head of the U.S. relief operation for Myanmar.

They could be reached "over the course of a three-day period" by American helicopters and landing craft, he said in telephone interview from a temporary U.S. staging area at Utapao, Thailand.

Goodman said the junta was "still considering" the offer, which would include allowing Myanmar officials aboard all U.S. helicopters to monitor their routes and to unload relief supplies.

The offer includes 10 helicopters aboard the USS Essex, an amphibious assault ship now steaming from Myanmar toward Thailand, and 12 more based at Utapao, said Lt. Col. Douglas Powell, a spokesman for what has been dubbed operation Caring Relief.

With only seven Myanmar government helicopters reportedly flying, relief supplies are mostly being transported along dirt roads and then by boat. International aid agencies say boats able to navigate the delta's canals are scarce and efforts to import vehicles have been hampered by government red tape.

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and the U.N. warned there was an "urgent need" for tarpaulins to provide the estimated 1.5 million homeless survivors with temporary shelter. Without protection from the elements, they warned, the threats of hunger and disease could intensify.

"Exposure to the elements five weeks after a disaster of this magnitude has to be a major concern," said John Sparrow, a spokesman for the IFRC. "People are in a weakened condition. They are sick, they are hungry. Without shelter, their whole situation is seriously exasperated."

Myanmar's military rulers have allowed Marine C-130 cargo planes to fly 116 missions to deliver more than 2.2 million pounds of aid to Yangon, the country's biggest city, Goodman said. But U.S. military units have been kept out of hard-to-reach areas in the devastated Irrawaddy delta.

The junta is particularly sensitive to letting in U.S. helicopters, which would highlight the American effort in a country where the people have been taught to see the U.S. as a hostile aggressor. Washington is a leading critic of the junta for its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

The military regime seems increasingly focused on its image.

Its public criticism of reporting on aid efforts came a day after authorities detained a popular comedian who had just returned from helping cyclone survivors and had said government aid was not reaching some victims.

Unconfirmed reports circulated Friday in Yangon that at least a dozen people involved in filming cyclone victims in the Irrawaddy delta have been arrested.

The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper, considered a mouthpiece for the junta, accused "self-seekers and unscrupulous elements" of working in collusion with foreigners to shoot videos with what its aid were made-up stories in storm-ravaged areas in the delta.

"Those foreign news agencies are issuing such groundless news stories with the intention of tarnishing the image of Myanmar and misleading the international community into believing that cyclone victims do not receive any assistance," the newspaper said.

Well-known comedian Maung Thura — whose stage name is Zarganar — was taken from his home in Yangon by police Wednesday night after going to the Irrawaddy delta to donate relief items to survivors, his family said.

A family member said Friday that they had heard nothing from Zarganar and the junta had given no reason for his detention.

"We stopped our cyclone relief activities yesterday, but we will have to resume our relief assistance tomorrow," the relative said.

Zarganar, 46, and his team had made video records of their relief activities and the comedian gave interviews critical of the government's relief effort to foreign media, including British Broadcasting Corp., whose news broadcasts are popular in Myanmar.

In an interview with the Thailand-based magazine Irrawaddy before his arrest, Zarganar said some areas in the delta had not been reached by the government or international aid groups. Zarganar said his group distributed food, blankets, mosquito nets and other aid.

ဒွ္မံင္ဒဒုိက္ဂွ္ဟုီဒွ္ဒဒိုက္ဟြံဂြံ

2008-06-05T14:33:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

ဒွ္မံင္ဒဒုိက္ဂွ္ဟုီဒွ္ဒဒိုက္ဟြံဂြံ

ရမ်ာင္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္တအ္လၜထ႓းမံင္ပေရာညးတအ္အာစုိပ္မံင္ဒဒုိက္ဍာံဍာံဂွ္ အလုဪပႝာန္ပတုိန္ဂဗုတ္စုတ္ဂႜာဲဂလာန္ပႜန္၊ လိက္ပရုိင္အလုဪအသှမိစၧာဒိဌိတ အ္ဟုီဂွ္ ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ေကႜာန္ေကတ္ေပၱာံေကတ္ရုပ္ဒမ်ဳိင္ဓါတ္သြက္ဂြံခဍဳိက္ခရုိက္ဂ၀ဂေလံဂုန္သိကၡာဍဳင္တုဲ ကႜတ္သြံမံင္ကုဪ႒ာန္ပရုိင္ဍဳင္သအာင္တအ္ရ၊ အေရ၀္ဏအ္ဂွ္ၾကၜႏူပႝာန္ဗၞာအယုတ္ဂကူအရုိင္တအ္ရပ္ေထာံနာဲဇာဂဏါတုဲဟုီတိတ္ကႜဳင္ရ၊ကေပါတ္ေဇြာံမဍဳင္နာနာတအ္ကုဪလ၀္ဒါန္သြက္ညးဒွ္ဒဒုိက္တ အ္ဂွ္ကႜတ္ဂႜံက္၊စိုက္သြံ၊စသုင္၊ညးဒွ္ဒဒုိက္ဍာံဍာံျပျပတအ္ဂွ္ထေဍင္ပတိတ္၊ဂကူအယုတ္မသခဲါဒုတ္ ဂစုိတ္ခမီသင္၊ပလုီပလာ္သာသာနာက်ာ္၊

Myanmar junta slams citizens over cyclone reports

Fri Jun 6, 2008 4:26am EDT

Aung Hla Tun

YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's junta attacked "unscrupulous" citizens and foreign media on Friday for presenting a false picture of the devastation left by Cyclone Nargis as experts began mapping the extent of the disaster.

The New Light of Myanmar, the mouthpiece of the ruling generals, said people had been selling video footage "of invented stories" to foreign news organizations which tarnished the country's image.

"The people who are in touch with the situation feel that the despicable and inhumane acts by local and foreign anti-government groups and self-centered persons and their exploiting of the storm victims are absolutely obnoxious," the newspaper said.

Bootleg copies of DVDs showing the devastation in the hardest-hit Irrawaddy delta have been snapped up on the streets of the former capital Yangon and smuggled out of the country.

Newspaper, television and radio are tightly controlled by the military government, which also severely restricts international media access to the former Burma.

"Those foreign news agencies are issuing groundless news stories with the intention of tarnishing the image of Myanmar and misleading the international community into believing that cyclone victims do not receive any assistance," the New Light of Myanmar said.

Police detained well-known activist/comedian Zarganar on Thursday who was involved in a private aid effort for cyclone victims. They also seized his computer, several banned films and records of the cyclone damage.

Dozens of delta villages, some visited by Reuters, have yet to receive any relief assistance since the May 2 cyclone swept over the area and Yangon, leaving 134,000 dead or missing and 2.4 million people in desperate need of help.

The newspaper report accused media organizations and local people of "luring naive storm victims" with leading questions on their living conditions a week after the junta began evicting thousands of people from state-run camps out of apparent fear that the tented villages could become permanent.

A team of 200 international disaster and aid experts fanned out across the delta to assess the extent of the cyclone destruction and gauge whether farmers would be able to plant crucial monsoon rice crops by the end of July.

"They have begun looking at areas today and will report back in the middle of next month," a spokeswoman for the ASEAN-UN "Emergency Rapid Assessment Team" told Reuters.

(Writing by Rob Taylor; Editing by Darren Schuettler)

အလုဪအသီ ဗူေဂရီယ်ာပရအ္လွဳဲ ယူရုဪ ၁၅၀၀၀၀ ေဏါင္

2008-06-05T14:08:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

အလုဪအသီ ဗူေဂရီယ်ာပရအ္လွဳဲ ယူရုဪ ၁၅၀၀၀၀ ေဏါင္

ၾသန္သြက္ဂြံပရအ္ကုဪဍဳင္ၾကဳက္ဂွ္လၞိဟ္ ၁၀၀ ၀၀၀ ဂွ္ ၾကက္ကုဪဗစုိပ္ကုအလုဪအသီၾကဳက္တုဲ သြက္ဍဳင္ဗၞာဂွ္လၞိဟ္ ၅၀ ၀၀၀ ဂွ္ၾကက္ကုဪဗစုိပ္ ဂေကာံမ ေရင္တႜဳင္မံင္သြာင္နာနာအတုိင္ေလၞင္ကေမႜာန္ဂေကာံ UN, EU တအ္မေဖ်ံလ၀္ဂွ္ေရာင္ ဂြံတီေကတ္ရ၊

Government earmarks 150,000 euro in aid to China, Burma/Myanmar

The Bulgarian government will provide financial aid to China and Burma/Myanmar to mitigate the damages from the natural disasters that hit the two countries. The aid for China is to the amount of 100,000 euro, and for Burma/Myanmar- 50,000 euro. The money intended for China will be in the Chinese authorities’ disposition and the money for Burma/Myanmar will be sent through an appropriate multilateral mechanism within the framework of UN or the EU.

Bulgaria's joining the two humanitarian operations in the wake of the devastating earthquake in China on May 12 and the May 3 hurricane in Myanmar is part of this country's policy of involvement in the international cooperation for development, indispensable part of which is humanitarian aid. The EU decided to render urgent humanitarian aid to the population of the devastated areas despite its policy for freezing the contacts at high political level with the governing military junta, the imposing of restrictive measures in relation to the systematic violation of the human rights and the lack of progress of the political process of democratization of the country, immediately after the disaster.

The money will come from 2008 budget resources earmarked for official development aid.

Reference: Relief Web

2008-06-05T14:04:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

အေမရိကာန္တိတ္တုဲမုညးတအ္ဟုီ

က႓င္ဍာ္ပႝာန္တိတ္တုဲက႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္လုပ္

2008-06-05T13:44:00.000-07:00

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ MONLANDTIME

က႓င္ဍာ္ပႝာန္တိတ္တုဲက႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္လုပ္(ဟြံဂြံသၞ၀္ဍာ္၊ေကတ္လၱဴက်ာ)

ၾကၜႏူက႓င္ဍာ္ပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ဒးစႛးတိတ္ႏူဍဳင္ဗၞာတုဲသြက္ဂြံေပႜာပ္က႓င္က်ာပႝာန္ပႜန္ဂွ္အေမရိကာန္တအ္တႜဳင္နင္ရမ်ာင္ကညာင္နင္ဟဇုိင္အေရ၀္ပႜန္ရ၊ ကေရာံက႓င္က်ာပႝာန္ဂွ္ဂႜဳင္တအ္ေလ၀္ပါလုပ္ကုီရ၊အခိင္ဟြံရုဲသြက္ဂြံလုပ္ဍဳင္ရုီညးဒွ္ဒဒုိက္မာန္ဂွ္ ညးတအ္ပေဠ၀္ပေဠတ္လ၀္ေရာင္ သာ္၀ြံ ဂဥဳပ္ဗုဪပႝာန္ဍာ္ မႝဳံ႓ီပစိပိတ္မႝဳံယၞဳ Lieutenant General John Goodman ဟုီပတိတ္နင္ပႛဲတၝဲျဗၜပတိဂွ္ရ၊

US offers helicopters to Myanmar as navy ships leave

Thu Jun 5, 9:45 AM ET

US helicopters and small boats are still ready to help deliver cyclone aid to Myanmar, a US official said Thursday, after the regime rejected US navy ships laden with emergency supplies.

Four US Navy ships, which had idled off Myanmar's coast since May 13, left for the Gulf of Thailand on Thursday after the ruling junta refused to accept aid from foreign militaries.

Lieutenant General John Goodman, commander of Marine forces Pacific, said that even though the USS Essex group was leaving, the United States was still ready to offer other equipment for the cyclone relief effort.

"The US maintains its offer to support the distribution efforts of the Burmese government and the international community," Goodman said in a statement, referring to the country by its former name.

"This distribution support includes the use of helicopters currently in Thailand, and if requested, the landing craft from the amphibious ships to assist the world community in the distribution of relief supplies to relieve suffering."

More than one month after the cyclone left 133,000 dead or missing, the United Nations estimates more than one million people still have not received any international assistance.

Myanmar has accused the United States of offering aid with unspecified "strings attached."

"Our offer has been without strings, and it has never included bringing US Navy ships into their ports," said Goodman. "Unfortunately those offers of support have yet to be accepted."

US military C-130 cargo planes are still delivering supplies to Yangon from Thailand, the statement said.

The United States has flown 116 flights delivering more than 2.2 million pounds of relief supplies, it added.

Goodman said Washington had repeatedly offered helicopters and surface craft to support the relief efforts in the devastated Irrawaddy Delta, where many villages are not reachable by road.

ဂတာပ္အခိင္ဍဳင္မန္ Monlandtime

ပရုိင္ဂႜးက၀္တၝဲဏအ္ (၂၊၂၆၊၂၀၁၁)

သကုိပ္ဗုိလ္နာဲထာ၀ရျပဟ္လလုဲအာနကုဪယဲပႛဲဌာန္ဗဟုဪေဗာ္ဍဳင္မန္တၞိအခိင္ ၂ နာဍှႏူဂယးျပဟ္စၞတ္တၝဲ ၂၊၂၂။၁၀၁၁

The 64th Mon National Day, Colorad,U.S.A တၝဲဂကူမည္ရးေဂါေလာရာေဒါ၊ဍဳင္အေမရိကာန္

the 64th Mon National Day တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ကေနဒါ

the 64th Mon National Day, Saint Paul, MN

64th Mon National Day, Norway တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္န၀္ေ၀

ဒံက္တာနာဲပညာမန္တုိန္စုိပ္တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္မဟာဇ်ာဲ

Searching for Monland ဂႜာဲမံင္ဍဳင္မည္

Searching for Monland

From The Nation (Bangkok). 26 January, 1995

တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ The 64th Mon National Day

တၝဲဂကူမည္ဍဳင္ဂ်ပါန္ the 64th Mon National Day, Japan

update: The 64th Mon National Day Worldwide တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ

The 64th Mon National Day Worldwide တၝဲဂကူမည္အလုံလုိက္မြဲ

တၝဲဂကူမည္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၄)၀ါကုဪညးစႝးေကာန္ဍဳင္အရင္

သဘင္ထပုဦပယ်င္

Southeast Asian educators discuss language of instruction in schools ဍဳင္အာရွဒုိဟ္အဂႝဲတအ္တက္က်ာစပ္ပေရာေဗၱာန္ဘာသာဿဘာတန္ေဗၱာန္အလုဪအသှ

BRIDGE to better learning

Southeast Asian educators discuss language of instruction in schools

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္(62)၀ါ၊ဍဳင္Phoenix၊ရး Arizona

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္မရႏုက္ကုဪ(၆၂)၀ါ

တၝဲေကာန္ဂကူမန္ဍဳင္လာန္ဒါန္(၆၂)၀ါ

မူ၀ါဒတၞိအလုဪအသှေသံလတူဍဳင္ဗၞာအကာဲအရာႏြံသာ္လုဪ Understanding new Thai policy towards Burma

မူဂါဗီေသၢာံျပဟ္ ယူေအန္ေကုာံအာဖရိကတအ္ေထက္ကုဪဒးဘုိင္ပလွ္ေဖ်ံ

Asean human rights moves more talk than actionဂေကာံအေခါင္အရာမႝိဟ္အာျဇီယာန္အေရ၀္ဂႜဳိင္၊ကေမႜာန္ေအာန္္

The days before ceasefire between SLORC AND NMSP on 25 June 1995

Tyranny of the Minority vs Tyranny of the Majority

Tyranny of the Minority vs Tyranny of the Majority

Myanmar on the cyber-offensive

TIMELINE: Thailand's long-running political crisis

ကဗ်လကၤာဂုိဏ္မန္ဒၥိတ္(တံ၀စနံ)

ခႝိင္သၞိင္ေမန္ေကာန္ျပဟ္ဒတုံေစွ္၊သၞတ္ျဗၜမြဲဒးအာ၀ပ္

ျပသႝာဍဳင္ဗၞာဂါမ္ဗာရီေသာင္ဟြံမာန္၊ကံင္ျဇီဂုီကႜဳီကုလသမဂၢေထက္ကဪုဒးပုိတ္သၠဳတ္

မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးေေန႕ကို ျပည္တြင္းရွိမြန္မ်ား က်င္းပ

လိက္လေလာင္ၾတး တၝဲပႜန္ဂတးမန္(၆၁)အလန္

ကမၼ႒ာန္စံင္ဇြျဂဇုတ္နာဲသုိက္အံင္ရာမာန္မဒွ္ဥကၠ႒ေၾတံေဗာ္ကေလင္ဒက္ပၱန္ဍဳင္မန္၊ဍဳင္အေမရိကာန္

တၝဲပႜန္ဂတးမန္(၆၁)အလန္

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲ ရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္ (သၠဳတ္ဒုတိယ)

ၾသန္ရုီဗင္ ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္ဍဳင္ဗၞာေကႜံအာဗြဲမဂႜဳိင္၊ယူေအန္ဟုီ

အမာတ္အေမရိကာန္ စုတ္ေစာဲ လတူကတိပါင္အလုဪအသှၾကဳက္

ဍဳိပ္ရာဇာ၀တ္ပႝာန္ မႝဳံယၞဳ ရာဒုဪ၀ါန္ ကာရာဒ္ေျဇက္ Radovan Karadzic ဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ ပႛဲဍဳင္သာပ္ဗီယ်ာ ဣယ်

ေခါက္ဂ်ိ

ကႜာအခိင္ဟြံလဇုဲရုဲဂႜံင္တုဲကြာ္

ေကာန္ဍဳင္ဗၞာ ၄ တႜဒးဒုင္ရပ္အာ နကုဪအမွဳဂစုိတ္မႝိဟ္ပႛဲဍဳင္မေလယွာ

စၞီခၬင္ေသၝာဲခၬင္ဗုီျပင္ဒှမ၀္ကေရျဇှ သၞ၀္အ၀ုဪပႝာန္ဗၞာ

မဟာမိတ္ညးဍဳင္ကြာန္ သြက္ဒီမ၀္ကေရျဇီ ဗဗုိန္ဂလာန္ဆက္ဇက္အာသၝိအလုဪအသှဗြဲမ႓ုိဟ္ၾသဳိဟ္

ဇြမႝိဟ္ဒးလ၀္ဘဲကပ္က်ာမှလံင္တအ္ ဟီျပးဇးမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္ဍဳင္မန္

Cyclone dead wash ashore on distant Myanmar beach: official

လပိုတ္က်ာမှလံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ဍဳင္မန္ႏြံ အလုဪအသီဗၞာတအ္ ပရးပရုိင္ေကာလဟာလ

မန္ဍဳင္ေသံတအ္ငၝဳင္ကၱဳဪမံင္

ဒပ္ပႝာန္ကႜဳဪဗၞာတအ္ ၾကမ္ၾကမံင္ပႛဲတိဍာ္မန္သႜဳင္က်ာဖုိဟ္

Burma: Than Shwe 'ordered troops to execute villagers'

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ဂတာပ္အခိင္

က႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္ ၂၂ ဖဍဳိက္မင္မံင္သြက္ဂြံလုပ္ရုီဗင္ဖုိဟ္

US military choppers still ready to help Myanmar

ဒွ္မံင္ဒဒုိက္ဂွ္ဟုီဒွ္ဒဒိုက္ဟြံဂြံ

Myanmar junta slams citizens over cyclone reports

အလုဪအသီ ဗူေဂရီယ်ာပရအ္လွဳဲ ယူရုဪ ၁၅၀၀၀၀ ေဏါင္

Government earmarks 150,000 euro in aid to China, Burma/Myanmar

က႓င္ဍာ္ပႝာန္တိတ္တုဲက႓င္က်ာပႝာန္အေမရိကာန္လုပ္

US offers helicopters to Myanmar as navy ships leave